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was not slow to take advan- peasant proprietors, who fill
Lord Curzon's further measures of agricultural reform, such as the Punjab Land Alienation Act, and his endeavours to secure throughout India greater elasticity in the collection of land revenue, are perhaps too local in their interest or too technical to appeal to readers at home, although to our great Indian empire they are of an importance commensurate with the immense interests involved in the prosperity of the agricultural classes. The first mentioned item of legislation has been so much criticised that we may pause for a moment to notice it. It is designed to prevent the alienation of the land, owing to the gradual increase of agricultural indebtedness, from the hands of its traditional owners, the yeomen and
Space does not permit of more than a passing mention of other improvements connected with agriculture-the
scientific it. . . . The object of all these inquiries is in every case the same-viz., to arrive at the truth." Here we have again the principle so characteristic of Lord Curzon's methods-to do nothing without thorough and careful research, to understand a question completely in order to deal with it adequately, and in order to understand it "to dig down to the bed-rock of concrete fact and experience."
There remains one of the original twelve tasks set himself by Lord Curzon which should be noticed before we leave these questions of internal reform. This is the attention which he gave to the preservation of ancient monuments and historic buildings. Its principal manifestations were the appointment of a specialist as Director of Archæology, and the passing of an Act for the "Preservation of Ancient
establishment of a agricultural research institute (due to the munificence of an American visitor to India, Mr Phipps), the strengthening of the Veterinary Department, and the creation of a scientific Board of Advice. Nor is it necessary to do more than name the reform effected in railway administration, the immense increase in the productiveness of railways, the cheapening of telegraphic charges both on inland lines and between India and Europe, and the reform of the system of education in all its branches. Something more than such cursory notice might well be given to the question of police reform, a subject which so closely affects the welfare of every individual of the two hundred and thirty millions of people in British India. The subject is, however, too large to be dealt with here. It was examined as in the case of education, railways, irrigation, and famine by a special commission, whose report has formed the basis for extensive and far-reaching measures of improvement. In this connection Lord Curzon's remarks regarding the reasons and objects of all these commissions may be quoted. "I can quite believe," he said in the budget discussion of March 1902, "that there will be people who will say that the present administration is earning a strange and abnormal repute, as one of Commissions, Committees, and inquiries. The charge is quite true. I do not for one moment dispute enactment of such a measure
Monuments and objects of archæological, historical, and artistic interest." This measure, so characteristic of Lord Curzon's many - sidedness, so indicative of his love for the past history of India, aroused no controversy and attracted but little notice at the moment. But its importance must not be measured by such a criterion as this. No one will dispute the principle on which it is based, that the care of a nation's historic buildings is closely bound up by ties of history, sentiment, and expediency with the people's interests, and that it is amongst prominent obligations of a government. Moreover, the
in India is of more than indirect interest to the people of Great Britain. Year by year, in constantly increasing numbers, visitors from home make the voyage to India intent on exploring its wonders and viewing the treasures of archæology and art which it has to show. It will be well if some of these recognise a tithe of the debt which they owe to Lord Curzon in this matter. Who that has seen the incomparable beauty of the Taj, surrounded by acres of sandy waste ground and approached through a squalid bazar, but must be ever grateful to the hand that has cleared the entrance courts of all mean and unsightly features, and has turned the surroundings into a green and undulating park? Who that visited the exquisite little tomb of Itmad-ud-Dowlah, near Agra, any time up to half a dozen or so years ago, and beheld it smothered in a tangled maze of overgrown shrubs and weeds, but must delight to find it now set in well-ordered and grassy lawns, whose greenness serves to emphasise the delicacy of the fabric? A similar work is in progress or about to be undertaken round the beautiful Mogul palace at Delhi, the tombs and mosques of Lahore, and the deserted city of Fatehpur Sikri; with equal care and reverence other relics of the past throughout India are being tended and cared for, and if this alone were Lord Curzon's claim to gratitude, both from Indians and from lovers of art all over
the world, it would be due to him in no small degree, in that he has been mainly instrumental in enabling our generation "to expiate the carelessness of the past and escape the reproaches of posterity."
It has been said that the debt which the empire owes to Lord Curzon for the work of his Indian Viceroyalty will not be fully known until the history of the foreign relations of India during that period is made public. This much is, however, already known to the world, that both in his speeches and by his deeds he never failed to maintain the integrity and the prestige of the great empire of which India is no longer merely an ornament, "the brightest jewel of the imperial crown," but the strategic frontier where lies, in Lord Curzon's words, "the fulcrum of dominion, the real touchstone of our Imperial greatness." One of his earliest duties was to assert our rights and maintain our paramount position in the Persian Gulf, and his visit two years ago to the same great highway of Indian commerce the first visit ever paid to those waters by a Governor-General of India-was strikingly successful in securing the same object. The tour in question attracted far more attention throughout the world than is usually paid to the movements of the Viceroy through the territories of India. Its meaning was not difficult to find, and was as patent to the Arab chiefs who assembled at the seaports to do honour to the
representative of the suzerain power, as it was to those great powers of Europe who watched from a distance, each eager to take advantage of an error of judgment or a sign of weakness. But they watched in vain. Lord Curzon's capacity for managing difficult and delicate affairs was never shown to better advantage. His discretion was as marked as was the decision and firmness with which he expounded to the assembled chiefs the fixed determination of British policy. "We are not going to throw away this century of costly and triumphant enterprise," he declared; "we shall not wipe out the most unselfish page in history. The peace of these waters must still be maintained; your independence will continue to be upheld, and the influence of the British Government must remain supreme."
The recent mission to Kabul under Sir Louis Dane is still fresh in men's minds. It has been attacked in many quarters, and its assailants have scoffed at it as a failure. Those who express these views show little knowledge of the circumstances. Since Abdurrahman's death various small difficulties had arisen between the Governments of India and Kabul. Comparatively insignificant though these were individually, yet the previous history of our relations with Afghanistan furnished proof only too clear of the ease with which such matters may be exaggerated until the breach occasioned by them becomes too wide to be bridged. To
clear up these difficulties and to re-establish those perfectly friendly relations which prevailed during the lifetime of the old Amir were the important objects of the mission, and these objects were fully attained. Whatever hopes the Government of India may have entertained of establishing closer commercial relations with Kabul by means of telegraphic communication or railways, it is certain that Lord Curzon is far too well versed in the foreign politics of the past to lay himself open to a rebuff by putting forward unasked any definite proposals for changes of the sort. It is clear that the Amir has no desire for such closer relations either with us or with Russia. One point there is which, if obtainable, would have been of tangible value both to ourselves and to our ally-namely, some method of ensuring that our annual subsidy shall as was its original purpose-be spent upon strengthening the military defences of Afghanistan and rendering it more secure against attack. But in view of the very open terms of the Durand agreement, it is difficult to see how such an object was to be achieved. That Sir Louis Dane was not able to make conditions in this and in other similar respects was no fault of his or of Lord Curzon.
Lord Curzon's attitude with regard to Afghanistan has been the same in all essentials as that which has been described in regard to the Persian Gulf, and the same as he himself outlined in such striking words
"I have had no desire to push on anywhere," he said, "and the history of the past five years has been one, not of aggression, but of consolidation and restraint. It is enough for me to guard what we have without hankering for more. But I would suffer any imputation sooner than be an unfaithful sentinel at my post, or allow the future peace of the country to be compromised by encroachment from the outside as to whose meaning there cannot be any question."
when speaking of the difficulties re-armament of all the forces with Tibet:in India with the latest magazine rifle, re- armament of the mountain artillery, provision for the ment of the field artillery with quick-firing guns as soon as the factories can turn them out, thorough reorganisation of the standing transport and enormous increases thereto until it is second to that of no army in the world, immense development of the military factories of India until the country is almost completely independent of supplies of military stores from home,these are only a few of the many and costly measures which have marked Lord Curzon's administration. If until Lord Kitchener came to India more extensive or more sensational reforms were not inaugurated, the omission was not due to any fault of the military system nor to Lord Curzon's rejection of proposals of the sort, but to the fact that the Commanders-in-Chief concerned put no such proposals. forward. When, however, Lord Kitchener succeeded to that high post, the schemes of extensive military reform put forward by him met with a ready encouragement and recognition from Lord Curzon and his government, which amply disproves Mr Brodrick's insinuation that similar reforms had previously been obstructed or negatived by the Viceroy or his advisers. military matters, as in all else, Lord Curzon's guiding principle has always been to work for the true welfare of the
The consideration of Lord Curzon's attitude in regard to foreign politics brings us naturally to the question of his administration of the army of India. This is no occasion, nor have we space, to enter into the details of the controversy which has resulted in India being deprived prematurely of one of the most able Viceroys who ever held the reins of supreme government; but a few words are required to deal with his treatment of military reforms and improvements. In the India Office despatch of May last, which announced the decision of his Majesty's Government in the matter of military administration, Mr Brodrick went so far as to twit the Government of India with having omitted to spend on military measures some of the surplus revenue which had accrued during the previous five years. Never was a charge more unjustly made. In no previous administration has money been spent more freely or provided more readily for army purposes. Additions on an unprecedented scale to the number of British officers in the Indian army, complete