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send it by captain N. whose vessel dropt down the river a day or two ago, and who is just proceeding after it. As we shall follow so soon, I flatter myself, if we have reasonably good fortune, that my letter will scarcely precede me at your social circle:-but, if it should be our fate to be ingulfed by the countless billows, which roll between us and our homes, it may serve to bring you the proof, that the latest opportunity of evincing his affectionate remembrance, was embraced by your sincere and devoted friend.

ART. II.-Thoughts on the various departments of the National Industry of the United States.

THE

HE true picture of our country exhibits an extent of land, free from the interference of forests, or cleared for cultivation, of an extent double the whole arable soil of any maritime country in Europe, if we include our prairies, and lands on which the forests have been burned. Our entire territory, after its limitation by the Louisiana and Florida treaties, is about twelve times that quantity of land, being about fifteen hundred millions of acres. This is a landed interest, which never can be outweighed by all our other interests conjoined.

The part of our population employed in the various landed operations of planting, farming, gardening, mines, quarries, and procuring wood and timber, &c. &c. constitute a great and commanding majority, even in the most commercial, manufacturing, and fishing of our states-Rhode Island. The increase of interior townships, counties, and states, will always maintain that immense preponderance of the landed population, which now exists, as will be admitted by every man who compares the population of all the counties from the St. Croix river to the Sabine, with the population of our hundred trading sea-ports and manufacturing towns.

The prosperity of the United States principally depends on a landed interest, well and cheaply supplied with all things necessary to cultivate the cleared lands, and to clear two thirds of those which are yet covered with woods-and on a landed interest, the prices of whose productions shall be surely and well supported by all the other departments of the national industry: or in other words, by commerce and manufactures.

It is submitted to the nation as a general rule (subject like all general rules to exceptions) that it is the right and duty of the landed interest, the merchants, the mechanics, the professions, and the other citizens to make out the public prosperity, by buying their manufactured supplies, with due attention to quality, upon the cheapest terms. This being an actual operation of a vast majority (the cultivators, merchants, mechanics, professions, &c.) with the minority (the manufacturers) is not avaricious; nor does it appear in any wise injudicious or absurd, in such a state of society, where the voice and moral interests of a real and very respectable majority of polls, talents, property, and industry present a just and

constitutional influence. The members from the planting and farming counties of the United States, in the senates and houses of representatives of the union, the states, and the territories, have, in all past times, constituted, and do now, and always will, constitute, a very great and very commanding majority, giving laws to our country. Moderate addresses, composed of sober and real facts and reason, will be found the most successful representations to them and the other members, who are not manufacturers in practice, or theorists in that interesting branch of the political economy.

It has been observed, that the general rule for our whole population to buy cheap, must be liable, like all other general rules, to various exceptions. It should be our study to ascertain and submit these to the legislatures, the executive governments, and the nation. We shall present one, of the most interesting character, as an important example.

İt is conceived, that all the instruments and materials for defence, or in other words for war, are of this character; and the president and congress, and the state governments have, therefore, fostered and forced the manufacture of the instruments of defence in various ways, during twenty-five years or more. In 1794, they could have imported cannon, as they imported copper bolts and sheets for the frigates; but they preferred to contract, in this country, for one thousand tons of cannon in that year. They built, at their own expense, a water-mill for boring, out of the solid cannon-form piece in which they were cast, securing for ever, by means of foreign skill, a working model. They have purchased home-made gunpowder for many years past, rather than import, as did the old congress for, and in the revolution. They discontinued the importation of muskets, rifles, pistols, and swords, and made contracts for their manufacture, lending to the manufacturers, capital in money, to improve and extend their works, and buy their machinery, tools, fuel, and materials. By these operations of the union, and of several of the states, not only were the army, navy, and fortifications supplied with cannon and muskets, but the volunteers and militia bristled with bayonets, so as to preserve, with the regular public force, all our seaports from invasion in the late war. By these forced manufactures, we were enabled to win the glorious honours of peace in a third of the period of the revolutionary war. The planter Washington, approved this exception to the rule, from his long experience as Washington the general

in chief.

In the same spirit, the government of the United States makes the noblest of all manufactures, ships of war at home, rather than purchase them like Spain, abroad.

In the same spirit, the low-priced, and principal of the cotton goods of India, have been so heavily dutied, as greatly to interfere with their importation, because they are made entirely of cotton wool of foreign production, rival to our cotton. Manufactures

of foreign distilled spirits, and of beer, ale, and porter, have been subjected to duties, equal in some cases to the value here, of our home-made liquors, to encourage our landed interest in the cultivation of grain, fruit, and the cane, and our merchants in the importation of molasses and dates for the distillery. Sixty foreign articles on our tariff have been dutied, by name, at thirty per cent. making, with the addition of ten per cent. on the duty, nearly one third of their original value, besides the costs and charges of shipment and transportation, which are great, from the bulk of some, and the perishable nature of other goods. To encourage the growth of the leaf, foreign manufactured tobacco and snuff are very heavily dutied. The non-importation law, proposed in December 1808, though later in its adoption, gave a spring to several manufactures. The double duties were proposed on the suggestion of the manufacturers of Philadelphia, in letters of a correspondent of the treasury, in 1811, and remained on file there, to prevent the injuries to the manufacturers, which the influx of foreign goods, on the repeal of the British and French non-intercourse, then expected, seemed likely to produce. These duties did not much exceed, on a medium, the present duties, including those on the great bulk of the common and useful East India cotton manufactures.

It is true, that the duty on woollens is at present only 27 1-2 per cent; but wool is more abundant here than in 1810; improved by superior judgment, and superior breeds of sheep, aided by much more machinery and great improvements in fulling, scouring, and dying, overstocked with skilful hands, and aided more than ever by children and females. It is known too, that foreign woollens, lying on hand, often suffer by the moth and in the colours. But it is an all-important fact, that so great and steady has been, for years, and is now, our woollen manufacture, that we make up all the wool we can procure from our own farmers, and all our merchants can import, exporting none. Lands are cheap, and redundant to raise sheep, yet we keep more than up to the effectual manufacture of all our own wool; for we import much, and often aid it with cotton to eke out our defective stock of sheep's wool. Besides these facts, we make many cotton blankets, velvets, and corduroys as substitutes for woollen goods. The high price of cotton has alone prevented a great extension of these substitutes, which will become an important object to our planters and manufacturers, if we shall realize the apprehended interference of East India cotton with the sales of our cotton wool in Europe.

So effectual have been the intentional and incidental encouragements of manufactures in the United States, that there is no considerable landed production, (of all which are classed as raw materials) cotton-wool and leaf tobacco excepted, of which we do not constantly manufacture more than our country produces. These raw materials are, iron, lead, and all the other metals; sheep's wool, flax, hemp, silk, hair, horns, hides, skins, leather tanned, turned and coloured, and parchment or vellum; hatters' furs; molasses for

distilling, hops, indigo, madder, dye woods and stuffs, tallow, spermaceti, whale-bone, milk (as the raw material of the two great manufactures of the dairy, butter and cheese), the cabinet-maker's woods, marble, burr, and various other valuable and precious stones, salt petre, and sulphur. To these may be added rags, and other materials for paper and pasteboards, paper for the manufacture of books and hangings; wire of all metals, for weaving and working. Of all these raw materials, we import more than we export, and of course we manufacture a quantity of each, greater than our own landed interest and total population can produce; rapidly as it has increased from two millions and a half, in 1775, to nine or ten millions of persons, in 1819. Though we duty wool, flax, hemp, silk, iron, lead, copper, hides and skins, hair, leather, whale-bone, tallow, spermaceti, hops, marbles, stones, molasses, indigo, &c. we do not, and cannot produce more. The contents of this paragraph are substantially true, and materially relative to the subject of American manufactures, as connected with our whole diversified domestic industry, of which manufacturers form a minor part, and agriculture and the landed interest form an absolute and unalterable major part, exclusively of the commercial, monied, mechanical, and professional interests, and of our ecclesiastical, didactic, and benevolent institutions, and their accumulated property. It is true, that manufactures, though less than agriculture, and only a part of this domestic industry of our country, are a very important, and absolutely necessary part.

It is incorrect to consider manufactures as destroyed, annihilated, and neglected, when they are on a medium of the four years, or according to their value the last year, far greater than the whole amount of our exports. Though they have suffered, so has the ship owner, the exporter, the importer, and the interior merchant. So, indeed, has the grower of cotton-wool, our only redundant proper raw material. If the momentary price of farms be considered, the state of things is no better. Loans have been too easy to obtain. If we look abroad, the condition of Great Britain (whose English system of forcing English commerce and manufactures, at the expense of the rights and interests of Ireland, Scotland, the vast colonies and dependant territories, is offered for our impracticable and inexpedient imitation), is far worse than ours. If specie payments, abandoned there for twenty-two years, had been resumed on the 5th of April, the vaults of the banks of England, which have lost forty millions of dollars in gold only, in eighteen months,* would have been drained of the precious metals. Yet we maintain to the present time, specie payments, and propose to adhere to them. It is represented, that if specie payments by the bank of England had not been suspended by the parliament in April, the subversion of merchants, or manufacturers, money-loaners, &c. &c. would have become most extensive and alarming, notwithstanding

* See lord Castlereagh's speech.

the admired British statutory system of internal trade, manufactures, fisheries, navigation and commerce. Let us then be soberminded, but not alarmed; cautious, but not frightened out of the field of exertion and business; moderate and frugal, but not mean or avaricious. We have at home, landed interest, all in the temperate zone, larger than Great Britain and Ireland, with all their colonies, which are capable of cultivation and production. We have more than double the cleared land of their three united kingdoms. From that landed capital, power, and substance of our country, a great foreign and internal commerce, and a valuable body of manufactures does, will, and must result. The annual production of all the branches of the domestic industry of our country, landed, manufacturing, commercial, professional, &c. is such as clearly to prove we possess a capital of seven thousand millions of dollars in real and personal property, producing an income of much more than four hundred and twenty millions of dollars per annum; the full interest of that capital at six per centum. Another exception to the general rule of purchasing the cheapest supplies, is believed to exist in the case of manufactures, of agricultural and landed productions, which are of a perishable nature, such as fruit and vegetables, (canes, apples, peaches, grapes, potatoes, &c.) or which are redundant or depressed in price; such as cotton, tobacco, wood, and timber, &c. We may continue the disquisition of these subjects, but in the mean, we venture to affirm, that the United States, as confidently as any country upon earth, may trust that 'nullum numen abest, si sit prudentia, or in other words, that we have only to practise, as a people, the great civil and moral duties and virtues, and we must continue, amidst the present agitations of the busy world, among the number of the and stable nations. prosperous

most

Z.

ART. III.-Remarks on the Pronunciation of the Greek Language, occasioned by a late Essay on the same subject by John Pickering, A.A.S. By N. F. Moore, A.M. New York. 8vo. pp. 48.

THIS is an ingenious and scholar-like essay, upon a controversy

which has recently arisen among the literary men of our own country, on the true pronunciation of the Greek language. A purely literary and philosophical discussion, which has no bearing whatever upon any point of politics or religion, is almost a novelty among us, and we hail it with pleasure. Not, indeed, that the subject is of high importance, or that the controversy is likely to lead to any immediate interesting results; but the interest taken in the question, and the manner in which it has been discussed,' denote a forgone conclusion,' and give evidence of no small degree of literary taste, zeal, and curiosity. The received doctrine of the political economists, that to raise a superfluity, is the only certain means of always having enough, is as true of elegant learning, as it is of the productions of agriculture and the useful arts. Literary curiosity and learned labour, must be sometimes suffered to expend

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