claim it, that they may beft claim those benefits and privileges, which by the feventh of William the Third, are declared and provided to the fubject in cafe of accufation of treafon; even though thofe acts ftand enacted without the intervention of their confent, without being by any special claufe extended to America, otherwife than as extending by power of the fupreme legislature to every fubject within the realm. But hould the colonists doubt the power of the fupreme legiflature in these cases, I believe it never was yet doubted in that country but that when an act of parliament was by a special claufe extended to America, it had its full: force there, nor was ever yet any principle found out, by which to dif tinguish the exercise of the power of parliament in making laws which refpected the property, the rights, liberties, and lives of the fubjects there, from a power to make laws for that country which should demand, by ways and means, as to that parliament feemed meet, aids by taxes towards the maintenance and fupport of government.'

In another place he adds, (fpeaking of the colonists' claim of exemption from being taxed by act of parliament, fet up in confequence of the Stamp-act): However general this claim may have become of late; however fuddenly this wild plant, forced by an artificial fire, may have fprung up and fpread itself, it is neither the natural produce nor growth of America. The colonists in their sober senses know too well the neceflary powers of government; they have too well confidered the relation which they, as colonifts, bear to the realm of Great Britain: their true. and real liberties and charter rights are dearer to them than that they fhould hazard them by grafping after fhadows and phantoms. I will therefore abide by what I have faid in every part of my work, that as they understand thoroughly the neceffary powers of government on one hand, and as they are zealous for liberty on the other, fo were they by affection as well as principle, ever attached to the mother-country and to the government thereof. I fpeak of them as I knew them, nothing aggravating, nothing extenuating. But there is no answering for the defects of a delirium. I know nothing of the fpirit of those who have raised and would direct the ftorm in the prefent wild uproar in America, nor do I believe that they themselves know what fpirit they are of. Ig norant of the conflitution of Great Britain, and of their own best liberty as derived from it, they have mifled the good people of America to dif claim the wisdom and temper of their true friends, to doubt the virtue and zeal of thofe good citizens who have for fo many years by their fuperior abilities and real patriotifm had the charge and conduct of their interests. Frantic, like madmen, they have fallen firft upon those who have been hitherto near and dearest to them, and then giddy with the wild outrage they have begun, they have proceeded (I had almott faid to take up arms) against the authority of that very conftitution to which they owe the rights and privileges that they contend for."

But notwithstanding our Author's idea of the legal fubjection of the colonies to the parliamentary jurifdiction of the mother-country, he is extremely averfe to the doctrine of compulfion; and quotes Sir Wiliam Temple's account of Spain's fatal lofs of the Low Countries by having recourfe to force of arms, when milder methods might have happily compofed the disturbances which had broke out in thofe provinces. He proposes to admit the Americans to a fhare in the British legislature, provided they will accept of it; of which our Author (with many others)

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appears somewhat doubtful. Nevertheless, he thinks fome mode of a cordial union with our colonies ought to be thought of; and he recommends a particular scheme of his own, for this defirable purpose,which we have not room to infert. He also proposes several other meafures and regulations which he thinks very neceffary to be adopted at. this crisis; but he every where expresses himself with that modesty which is by no means inconfiftent with the most extenfive knowlege; and which is more especially becoming in every individual who offers his advice to government, on fubjects of fuch vaft importance to the community.

Art. 19. The Charters of the following Provinces of North-America;· viz. Virginia, Maryland, Connecticut, Rhode-Ifland, Pensylvania, Moffachufett's-Bay, and Georgia. To which is prefixed, a faithful Narrative of the Proceedings of the North- American Colonies, in Confequence of the late Stamp-act. 4to. 2s. 6d. Owen, &c.

Collected from the Daily Gazetteer ;-both charters and narrative. There is no doubt of the authenticity of the former; and the latter, being copies of Gazettes, &c. carry their own evidence along with them.

Art. 20. The General Oppofition of the Colonies to the Payment of the Stamp-duty, and the Confequence of enforcing Obedience by Military Measures, impartially confidered. Alfo a Plan for uniting them to this Kingdom, in fuch a Manner as to make their Interest infeparable from ours, for the future. In a Letter to a Member of Parliament. 4to. IS. T. Payne.

We have here an ingenious diffuafive from violent measures with the colonists, on account of the Stamp-act. It is written partly in a serious, and partly in a ludicrous vein. The Author's humour is employed to ridicule the rafh and crazy notion of carrying the ftamp-act into execution by military foree. The abfurdity of fuch a measure, is thus pleasantly reprefented: I fhall fo far agree with the martial difpofition of those who declare for warlike measures in the firft inftance,—that if this kingdom fhould think proper to exert its full power, the united power of the colonies could not poffibly withstand it. But I muft own I am not quite fo valiant as to join thofe warlike fpirits, who declare they defire but ten thousand of our regular troops, to drive all the colonies before them. True, there is no great danger in the boldest declaration, at three thousand miles distance from an enemy; but ftill a calm confiderate perfon, who may be valiant enough alfo on a proper occafion, may reflect, that the number of people in our colonies amoun by computation, to between two and three millions at the leaft. That a twentieth part of these may be deemed fenfible men. That one half at least of thefe are able bodied, and may be refolute and determined.That they may be enthufiaftically mifled to imagine they fight for liberty, which is a fpirit not eafily fupprefled in an Englishman. I fay fuppofing this calculation to be tolerably exact, he may expect to find fixty or feventy thousand able-bodied men, who may be mad enough to have determined abfolutely on oppofition.

This number of opponents, it is certain cannot well be collected into one body, and they are to be divided among the colonies; we may go in a body against any one of them we think proper; yet ftill however, as these people have a thorough knowlege of the country, and aré inured to the climate, although perhaps they dare not face us in the field, they might give us a great deal of trouble in marching after them through woods and mountains. Befides they may probably have learned the Indian method of bush fighting, which must be very tedious, and fomewhat troublesome to our regulars. The reduction of each colony would by this means be retarded; and we might poffibly lose a few men by fickness, or fatigue, though not by fair fighting. And as we muft also leave a fufficient force in each, to keep them in proper obedience after we have conquered them, or we may have the fame work to do over again, I should imagine that after bringing three or four of the most obftinate into a proper state of fubjection, we should perceive our numbers fomewhat diminished, and poffibly find, by that time, there had been fome small mistake in the calculation.

It were great pity fo hopeful a scheme fhould mifcarry on account of a trifling error in calculation; efpecially when any mistake, as to the number of foldiers that may be neceffary, can eafily be remedied, and a fufficient quantity had upon very easy terms. Let us confider what a -number of manufacturers are now employed in different works for the colonies, who will then be out of all employment, and must either enlist as foldiers, or ftarve. Befides, there can be no want of shipping for transports, at a very easy rate; as our Weft-India traders will have no other bufinefs. So that with the help of fifty or fixty men of war and frigates, properly ftationed along their very extenfive coafts, to hinder them from any fupplies, I make no doubt but in ten or twelve years at fartheft, we fhall either conquer their ftubborn fpirits, or extirpate them abfolutely; and it is not to be prefumed that any of our neighbours, during that time, will be fo rude to interrupt us in our bufinefs. But, as I must own myself a mere novice in these matters, I fhall leave the farther difcuffion of them to the advocates for military measures'

The ingenious Author next applies the teft of ridicule to the jargon of the lawyers, who gravely talk to us about the charters of Massachufett's Bay, Connecticutt, &c. conftituting those governments tenants of his Majefty's manor of Eaft Greenwich, &c. And towards the conclu fion of his letter, he propofes his plan of union; for which we refer to the pamphlet.

Art. 21. The late Occurrences in North-America, and Policy of Great Britain, confidered. 8vo. I S. Almon.

This Confiderer likewife reminds us of the precipitate and tyrannical conduct of Spain, by which fhe loft the Low Countries, now the United Provinces; but he does not plead for the colonies in the smooth and pleasant ftrain of the laft mentioned writer. He is very grave; and ra ther fevere upon thofe hot-heads who among us feem ready to cry Hayock! and eager to let flip the dogs of war against our brethren and fellow-fubjects in America.-As to the apprehenfions of those who think that the colonies will, one day or other, be independent of Great Britain, the Author admits that they are not groundless. But this, fays

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he, is no fufficient reafon for fear; for this independence can hardly be brought about until fome general calamity falls on Europe, or the protection which the colonies now claim from their several mother-coun-tries, is denied, or unable to be given from the particular distresses at home, power is fubject to change; it is the natural courfe of things. The grandeur of the Roman empire is annihilated, and this ifland, formerly a province to it, and looked upon as almoft out of the world, has a greater dominion than Rome ever prided herself in, and is now the centre of riches and authority. May it ever continue fo! Nothing but its own bad policy can prevent it, the fear of evils may produce them, as the dread of death frequently puts a period to life.'

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It feems very true, that on this jealousy and miftruft, we have founded a fyftem of policy, which may be the principal ground of the prefent difcontent in America; for nothing can be more natural, as the Writer observes, than for jealousy on the one fide, to produce the fame bad and illiberal qualities on the other :-to the interruption of the most cordial friendship, and total breach of the ftrongest duties. It is to this policy, adds he, they [the Colonifts] impute the ruin of the Spanish trade, by the royal navy of Great Britain acting in the fpirit of the Guarda Collas of Spain. It is true indeed the impropriety of this conduct was feen when we found it most ultimately affect ourselves; and, therefore, though the act is ftill in force, the execution of it is fufpended; but the condition of the Americans is bad indeed, for the blow aimed at them, took place! and the dagger remaining rankles in the wound.'

On the whole, our Author concludes, that it is not by taxes, but by trade alone, that Great Britain, acting in a spirit of true policy, will endeavour to draw the wealth and produce of America to herself; all other methods will deftroy the object for which the colonies were eftablished. If the Americans indeed, poffeffed of valuable mines of gold and filver, or a lucrative commerce, ftill retained more than the ballance of trade drew from them, Great Britain might, perhaps, confiftently with felf intereft, take the overplus. But the fact is otherwise, all their gains and produce now centers here in the way of trade, and therefore the fyftem of taxing them is diametrically oppofite to the real benefit of the nation in general, though it may ferve the purpose of a temporary expedient.-The treasury may fwel a little, but commerce will fhrink to nothing.'

Cromwell, fays our Author, though an arbitrary ruler, and Charles the Ild. a neceffitous prince, purfued, in this refpect, the true interefts of Great Britain; for notwithstanding the extravagance of the one, and defpotifm of the other, they plainly faw, that real power, and fubftantial and permanent wealth, could only be obtained through the channels of commerce, and that there would be a fufficient fund established for diffipation and corruption, and the highest power exercifed, by rendering the trade of the colonies fubfervient to Great Britain; and therefore Cromwell had the fagacity to plan, and Charles the good fenfe to adopt the famous act of navigation, which the British colonies have to this time dutifully and implicitly obeyed: for though it has reduced them to a kind of political flavery, yet being founded on the foundeft policy, they have fubmitted to it with chearfulness and affection to this country; and fo long as they do fo, you need no other evidence of your fovereignty

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over them; for let any one confider the nature of it, and he will find it the strongest mark and badge of fubferviency and dependence.

⚫ Let then the mutual, which is the real intereft of Great Britain and her colonies, be promoted, by conftantly pursuing the true object for which the latter were eflablished, and let us not cut down the tree to get at the fruit. Let us firoke and not ftab the cow, for her milk, and not her blood, can give us real nourishment and frength; and for this purpose, let the irit of the act of navigation (for found policy has long fince varied from the letter) be strictly adhered to; and then, however flourishing the commerce of America may become, either by its own efforts, or by the judicious encouragements and bounties given by this country, the whole advantage thereof muft ultimately center here, and that without difcontent and difturbances, to the honour and fatisfaction of his Majefty, and promotion of the public good."

Art. 22. Some Strictures on the late Occurrences in North-America.

These strictures are very weak and trivial. The Author infifts on the parliament's right of taxation, whether the Americans are exempted by their charters, or not; and as for thefe,, he intimates that they ought to be revoked! In fhort, this appears to be, by far, the moft inconfiderable pamphlet that hath yet appeared in the course of this controverfy.

Art. 23. The Juftice and Neceffity of taxing the American Colonies, demonftrated. Together with a Vindication of the Authority of Parliament. 8vo. I s. Almon.

If this Writer is not more ignorant than the last mentioned Anti-Amerisan, he is ten times more furious. He fets out with the profeffion of modefily offering his fentiments, that by the confrontation of different opinions, we may ftrike out truth, as we do fire, by the collifion of flints. Is this our Author's method? other people do it by the collision of flint and steel. But this is, in truth, a moft fiery politician, and his pamphlet is a mere firebrand. Behold how he fires away at the Americans:

• You [the inhabitants of the colonies] tell us you are very fober and temperate, that you fear the influence of a standing army will corrupt you, and introduce profligacy and debauchery.

I take your word for it, and believe you are as fober, tomperate, upright, humane and virtuous, as the pofterity of independents and anabaptifts, prefbyterians and quakers, convicts and felons, favages and negro-whippers, can be; that you are as loyal fubjects, as obedient to the laws, as zealous for the maintenance of order and good government, as your late actions evince you to be; and I affirm that you have much need of the gentlemen of the blade to polish and refine your manners, to infpire you with an honeft frankness and openness of behaviour, to rub off the ruft of puritanism, &c. &c.'

Is not this a very modeft, fober, temperate, upright, humane and

candid writer !