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THE SECRETARY OF STATE FOR | said, although it might be inconvenient THE COLONIES (Sir HENRY HOLLAND) to the House, and to hon. Members who (Hampstead): If possession is taken it wished to take part in the discussion, to becomes a British Possession. press the Amendment, he did want to state the reasons why he made this protest. They were now far advanced in the month of September. Last year this matter was taken into consideration on the 21st of June, the year before on the 6th of August; and he would suggest to the House that it was not worthy of them to leave to the last moment of the Session the sole opportunity afforded to Parliament in any way of taking into consideration the grievances of the 200,000,000 of people over whom we claimed to rule. If we had claimed to rule over them as a despotism he could have understood it. They were cynically told by the noble Lord the Member for South Paddington (Lord Randolph Churchill) that in India there was no public opinion, and no power of the Press

SIR GEORGE CAMPBELL: The real difference between us is as to the word "possession." I say that "possession" means "possession," and that "occupied," in the old Act, means "occupied." The Secretary of State for the Colonies, on the other hand, uses the word "declared," and says that "possession" is anything that Her Majesty has "declared" to be possession, say, by the hoisting of a flag, or by some act of that nature. The right hon. Gentleman contends that declaring territory to be British territory amounts to, or is equivalent to, taking possession or occupation. I rely on the English language. I say that "possession" means "possession," and that "occupation" means "occupation," and that merely declaring unknown territory to be a British possession does not make it a British possession. The former Act only enabled you to deal with “ possessions" occupied by British settlers. That is the plain meaning of the former Act. I cannot be satisfied by the opinion of the Law Officers. I think this clause is an enormous extension of the previous Act. It extends that Act by enabling Her Majesty to make rules and regulations not only for bond fide Settlements, but for vast territories of which no actual possession has been taken, but on some corner of which our flag has been hoisted.

That is an enormous extension of the powers given to the Government by the former Act, and it is one against which I must protest. Clause agreed to.

Remaining Clauses and Schedule agreed to.

Bill reported; as amended, to be considered To-morrow.

INDIA-EAST INDIA (REVENUE AC-
COUNTS)-THE ANNUAL FINANCIAL
STATEMENT.

COMMITTEE.

Order for Committee read. MR. BRADLAUGH (Northampton), in rising to move

"That this House regrets that the only occasion afforded for submitting to its consideration any statement of the wishes or grievances of the Natives of India should be postponed to so late a period of the Session as to prevent fair consideration of such wishes and grievances,"

India you have no public opinion to speak ofyou have no power of the Press. You have hardly any trammels upon the Government of any sort or kind.”—(3 Hansard, [300] 1302.) This was only an additional reason why he submitted it was disgraceful that the question should be taken as the eighth order of the day in an empty House on one of the last days of the Session. It was by no means certain that the Secrethe means of exercising, any real control tary of State for India exercised, or had over Indian affairs. If as he was bound to assume-the answers given in this

"In India it is not as it is in England. In

House from time to time on Indian questions were founded on information furnished by the Viceroy, then it was clear that the subordinates of the Vice

roy were reticent to a degree that was utterly misleading to this House, and probably equally misleading to the Secretary of State. The Indian papers hon. Gentleman the Under Secretary of nearly all agreed in representing the State for India (Sir John Gorst) as utterly ignorant of the affairs of our Eastern Empire, and although doubtless they were wrong to entertain that belief, it remained true either that officials in India did not communicate to their superiors at home many matters of moment, or that the facts were withheld from this House. The Natives of India believed they had a serious array of grievances, which they

thought ought to be considered by the House. At two National Conferences, the last of which they held in Calcutta last December, they were full of loyal expressions. They regarded British rule as giving them opportunities for progress which Native rule would deny to them; indeed, the President of the Congress pointed out

"How impracticable any such representative and all class and creed embracing meeting would have been under any previous régime,

culty that stood in the way of Civil Service employment. Dr. Rajendralála Mitra said

"The question is, that we should send our children, at the age of 16, 5,000 miles away for three years together for the purpose of passing an examination of the strictest possible kind. The odds are against them, the prizes are few, and the blanks numerous, and the risks of sojourn by youths without guardians in a large Metropolis, teeming with temptation,

are most serious. Parents must be foolhardy

Hindu and every Mohammedan gentleman has

indeed who, in the face of these facts, will Hindu or Mohammedan; and asserted that it venture to send their children to England at was under British rule, and British rule alone, the age of 16. But suppose the age is raised that such a national gathering was possible." by two years. Would that satisfy all your demand? I say, nay. For the service of one's But they looked, at the same time, for country, in no part of the world is a person the removal of some of those hardships cailed away from his native land to pass an under which they suffered. The serious examination. Canada is under the British Government. But her Majesty the Queen Emdeclaration was made that among the press does not require that every French subIndian population there was continually-ject there shall go to England to pass an increasing poverty. They wished for examination before being admitted into the representative institutions; and though Canadian Service. Nothing of the kind is rethat subject was too large and too wide quired in the Cape Colonies, nor in Australia, nor in Ceylon. And what is true of them is to be discussed before empty Benches, true of any other country which is a foreign and at that period, he was prepared to dependency. Why then should the case be maintain that so long as Parliament different in India alone? The rule here is denied India representative institutions, that no man should be allowed to serve the so long did it become the special duty of await him in England, without having to excountry without running the great risks which Parliament to examine most carefully patriate himself for three years, and come home into the grievances of the country, and to be excluded from caste. This is a great griev give the people there no cause of comance too, and it is one regarding which every plaint that consideration of subjects of a right to make a strong protest.' importance to them had been avoided. The people of India complained that the He (Mr. Bradlaugh) did not intend to expenditure for which the Government press further quotations of the same of India was responsible was wasteful character from the speeches made at and extravagant, and they pointed to Congress; but he would urge that it the fact that whereas in the period be- was not upon our military domination tween 1875 and 1879 the average annual of India that we ought to rest, or try to expenditure was 56,800,000 of tens of rest, in the future. Our rule ought to rupees, in 1885 it was 71,077,127 of be secure by attracting the willing cotens of rupees, and it now amounted to operation of the Indian people. There 77,443,500 of tens of rupees. They also could be no object in making the Natives pointed to the fact that in the same cross the ocean, losing caste and inperiod the debt of India had grown curring risk to health, if we wished to immensely, being in 1885 £173,752,206, interest the Indian people in our rule by an increase of about £83,000,000. An- affording them Civil Service employment. other matter about which they com- In the evidence taken before the Indian plain bitterly was that they were de- Public Services Commission-admirable barred from filling positions which they service on which was being rendered by were competent to fill, but which were Sir Charles Turner-there was to be at present occupied exclusively by found case after case of the grossest Europeans. They alleged that we had injustice in every Department. Could wilfully and deliberately broken the they wonder that when it came to a pledges we had made to them, and he question of cost the Natives saidwas bound to say there was some ground for the complaint they made. He would take the statement of the President of the Conference to which he had alluded, as showing the Native view of the diffi

Why do you put us to this cost when in many Departments our own men could do the work better and cheaper?" It was only in the lowest class of executive offices that the Natives were

allowed to have any employment at all. | neering, who all passed from Indian In the Departments where they were Colleges, and though fully qualified employed they did their work satis- were utterly unable to obtain employfactorily. He hoped the right hon. ment because excluded by Europeans. Gentleman the First Lord of the Trea- With regard to Burmah, the hon. Memsury (Mr. W. H. Smith) would take ber said he did not intend to now resome means to have the Indian State- discuss the annexation of Upper Burmah, ment made at some earlier period of the though he was opposed to it. Having Session next year, so that it should not taken the country, we ought to act be the farce that it was to-day in being honestly towards it; but he maintained discussed before empty Benches, and so that we had not been acting honestly to that the discussion should be creditable Burmah, to the Indian people, or to the to a great nation governing 200,000,000 British taxpayer. He was going to human beings. The Natives complained suggest to that House that, so far as that we had broken the express promises they were able to judge from the Papers as to employment made in the Procla- before them, and-what was equally mation, repeated in our Statutes, and eloquent-the information which was reiterated in the Regulations made by withheld, they were not acting honestly the Secretary of State in Council. Wit-in regard to Burmah. A statement had nesses proved that in the Education Department services paid for to Europeans at 1,200 to 1,500 rupees per month would be equally well rendered by Natives at 70 rupees per month. Evidence was given that European Inspectors and Assistant Superintendents were in many cases failures, and

"That many of the best Inspectors, who happened to be Natives of India, had left the force from disgust at their treatment."

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appeared in The Times the other day with reference to the sale of lands in Burmah. It was alleged-and he believed it to be true-that the responsible officer in Burmah had sold land to British officials at a price much less than 1-100th part of its value, and it was sold privately, without any opportunity for competition. He suggested there ought to be no sale of land to any British official whatever until the matter In the Registration Department it was had been submitted to the Secretary of shown that appointments were made to State at home. If the statements in the superior posts of persons of British birth, Indian Press had any colour of truth whose only qualifications appeared to be in them, there were gentlemen who that they were poor relations of high had had comparatively large pieces officials. In the Telegraph Department of land at prices absolutely ridithere appeared to be a perfectly mon- culous. He could understand that strous excess of Assistant Superinten- we wanted to colonize Burmah with dents, nearly all British. In the Police persons dependent upon us; but the corDepartment a class of gentlemen In- ruption which appeared to be raging spectors was created in 1880, all in that country at present ought to be British, though the evidence showed checked in the manner he had sugthat the Eurasians, Natives, and gested. He would therefore suggest Mohammedans made excellent detec- that no private sales of land or other tive officers, and were fitted in every beneficial concessions ought to be perway for higher posts. Major Drever mitted to any person whatever without advocated the promotion of deserving the previous sanction of the Secretary of Inspectors, irrespective of colour or caste, State for India, on a special report to be to posts now occupied by a favoured made to him of all circumstances consection-and for this he met with the re- nected with each proposed sale. The sentment of the Government. In the question of the teak forests had already Public Works Department promotion is been noticed by the Viceroy, who menalleged to be by favouritism, and to the tioned that the circumstances connected almost entire exclusion of Eurasians with the leases held by the Bombay and Natives from higher posts. Turn- Trading Corporation were very unsatising to the engineering employment, factory. It was this Company which, there were a large number of Natives more than any other influence, had inwho have properly qualified as Assistant volved us in the Burmese War. He Engineers, Licentiates of Civil Engi- recommended that no new lease or conneering, and Bachelors of Civil Engi-tract should be made with the Bombay VOL. CCCXXI. [THIRD SERIES.]

D

Trading Company or anybody else with reference to the teak forests without some more complete report being made to the Secretary of State and the matter being fully examined. Coming to the Ruby Mines, it was a little hard to speak on the subject with the respect due to the Government. There was not a reply which he had received from the hon. Gentleman the Under Secretary of State for India, except, perhaps, the last two, which was not more or less flatly contradicted by the Parliamentary Paper that he held in his hand. In the first place, they were told that there was no lease from the Indian Government to Messrs. Streeter; but the Papers showed that there was an actual signed agreement between the two parties. They were told that this document was not a lease; but such a draft so signed by both parties could have been enforced in this country as a binding contract and converted into a lease. Messrs. Streeter's representatives were actually introduced to the Natives in this mining district as the people who had already got a concession granted to them by the Government. Messrs. Streeter went to the mines, and actually half built houses there. As regarded the future of these mines, the idea of conceding the sole right to anybody was suicidal, for if anyone had capital at his back he would simply clear out of the place every possible jewel he could get without regard to the interests of the Government. He would suggest, therefore, that the Government should see that these mines were made as profitable as possible for the taxpayers both of this country and of India. The Government ought to keep the mines in their own hands, to have every ruby sold by auction, and to let the Natives have their 30 per cent of the value for collecting them, that being the percentage they got under King Theebaw. In conclusion, he said he did not intend to move the Amendment which stood in his name, because he felt sure that hon. Members were anxious to go into Committee and to hear the statement of the hon. Gentleman the Under Secretary of State.

THE UNDER SECRETARY OF STATE FOR INDIA (Sir JOHN GORST) (Chatham) said, that the regret which the hon. Member for Northampton (Mr. Bradlaugh) had expressed with regard to the late period of the Session at which the

affairs of India had come up for discussion was shared by the Government and those who sat on the Ministerial side of the House. He (Sir John Gorst) believed everyone would be glad if it were possible to bring the affairs of India under the consideration of the House at a time when more Members were present, and when greater interest could bɔ taken in the matter. Although many promises to introduce the Indian Financial Statement earlier in the Session had been made, no Government had yet succeeded in fulfilling those promises; and ever since he had had a seat in the House the Indian Budget had been one of the incidents of the Session that had immediately preceded the Prorogation. He agreed with the hon. Member as to the desirability of the alleged grievances of the Natives of India finding expression in the House of Commons, and tho more so because he thought that on investigation many of them would be found really not to be substantial. He would take two alleged grievances to which the hon. Member had alluded-the increase of Expenditure and the increase of Debt. It was supposed by the hon. Member that the increase of expenditure was an increase of extravagance, and that the increase of Debt was an increase of burden. That was not the case. The increase of Expenditure was caused by the great development of railroads, canals, and other productive works. The Debt was certain to increase rapidly, and it was undesirable that a stop should be put to it by checking the expenditure on railways and works of irrigation. In like manner the increase of Debt meant increase of capital supplied by the capitalists of this country, and expenditure on public works was beneficial to India as well as profitable to this country. As to the complaint of the non-employment of Natives in large numbers in the Public Services, that was exactly the subject on which a Commission had been sitting for some time. The hon. Member seemed to be gratified by the fairness with which evidence had been received by the Commission, and it was obvious that the Government must wait for the Report of that Commission and consider the evidence taken by it before they entertained any reforms in the direction of admitting Natives to the Public Services in greater numbers. As to the allegation that Natives were excluded from the more

highly-paid posts, one-sixth of them were filled by Natives, and they were admitted in still larger proportions to the less remunerative and uncovenanted branches of the Service; and, indeed, in these branches the greater majority of the positions were held by Natives. With regard to the alleged purchase of land, it was one of the rules of the Indian Service that no official should be allowed to buy land in his own district except as a site for a residence. In the case to which attention had been called the Government had called for a Report; and if anything improper had occurred, the Secretary of State might be depended upon to take such steps as were necessary to vindicate the purity of the Indian Service. As to the teak forests, when Upper Burmah was occupied it was found that the Trading Company had acquired rights from King Theebaw, and the British Government could not confiscate those rights wholesale and deal with the Company as if no such rights had been acquired. All that the Government could do was to protect the interests of the Revenue of India, with due regard to equity and justice. As to the Ruby Mines, when the present Government came into Office they found that already dealings had taken place between the Government of India and Messrs. Streeter. In April of last year tenders had been called for from persons willing to take a lease of the Ruby Mines. MR. BRADLAUGH said, there was no evidence of that in the Papers.

SIR JOHN GORST said, it appeared that on the 27th of March, 1886, the Viceroy telegraphed to the late Secretary of State that the representative of Messrs. Streeter had made the highest offer for a lease of the Ruby Mines. It was not a violent inference from this that tenders had been asked for. When the present Government came into power a telegram was sent from the Secretary of State to the Government of India in these words

"I gather that the arrangements are not finally concluded. The value of the mines and of the rights of the Government should be carefully ascertained before pledging the Government. Keep me aware of the results of local inquiry."

That telegram, which was sent on the 10th of November last, had not been departed from, and the negotiations in India Dust be guided by it. No lease

of the mines would be given to anyone until their value and all rights and interests had been ascertained, and the Government would only make such a disposition of them as would be compatible with the public interest. No one had any object in parting with these mines for less than they were worth, and in the interests of the Revenue of India the utmost value would be got for them. Instead of expressing any apprehension, it might have been expected that the hon. Member would rather have congratulated the House on the vigilancɔ that was being exercised.

Question put, and agreed to.
MATTER-considered in Committee.

(In the Committee.)

THE UNDER SECRETARY OF STATE FOR INDIA (Sir JOHN GORST) (Chatham): Mr. Courtney, I will not waste any precious time in Committee by appealing to hon. Members for that indulgence which is always extended to those in the position which I occupy. I may say, also, that I hope the Statement which I ventured to circulate a few days ago will enable me to shorten my remarks, and help the Committee more easily to understand the present position of Indian Revenue. I propose to make some observations in explanation of the Paper circulated, and afterwards to confine myself to replying on any questions with regard to the Revenue of India which hon. Members may think it neces sary to raise. I want, first, to observe that on the face of the Statement the prospect is not a very prosperous one. Of the three years which are under our consideration, 1885-6 shows a large deficit, and 1886-7 and 1887-8 show far too small a surplus; but I am happy to say that the condition of the finances of India is not quite so bad as the appearance of these figures would lead one at first sight to suppose. Although the deficit in 1885-6 is put down in my Statement as 2,800,000 tens of rupees, that is not the real actual deficit. That is to say, India is not poorer by 2,800,000 tens of rupees; because, if hon. Gentlemen will refer to 1887, they will see that in this year not only has the sum of 683,498 tens of rupees been spent in the reduction of debt, but 589,000 and 500,000, making a total of 1,089,000 tens of rupees have been invested in the construction of railways, and 186,807

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