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With reference to the preceding the mathematical canon of Hippartable, let it be noted that we find a chus and Ptolemy, which includes the hieroglyphic tablet of the twenty- reigns of less than a year in those of second year of Sheshonk, or Seson- the preceding kings; and, that from chis I., to whom history assigns twenty- Ochus to Alexander, the same correone years only, and one of the fifteenth spondence holds between Manetho, as of Takeloth, or Tacellothes, to whom preserved by his oldest copyist, Afrihistory gives thirteen only. But the canus, and the mathematical stateperiod of the twenty-second dynasty, ments; his period of the twenty-eighth, 120 years, as stated by Africanus, twenty-ninth, and thirtieth native exceeds the sum of the reigns by four dynasties (sixty-four years and four years, a difference explained by the months, which are placed between reigns of the two princes now men. the death of Darius Nothus and the tioned, to each of which we have there- twentieth year of Artaxerxes Ochus), fore added two years, raising that of answering to the forty-six years of Tacellothes to the monumental number Artaxerxes Mnemon, and the first fifteen, and that of Sesonchis one year nineteen of Ochus, within eight higher than the monumental date. months ; while his residue of two of Osorkon or Osortbon, we have a years for the reign of Ochus in Egypt, tablet dated in the eleventh year, his makes up the twenty-one years of that historical reign being fifteen.
prince. To Arses, he gives three Of Tirhakah, Tharak, or Taracus, years instead of the two of the mathewe have a tablet of his twentieth year; matical canon, and this compensates one of the forty-fourth year of Am- the eight months deficient in the prehathis, or Amasis, one of the sixth of ceding period, while both accounts Cambyses, and another of the thirty- agree in assigning four years to Darius sixth of Darius Hystaspes, of which Codomannus. those of Amasis and Darius accurately It is to be remarked, on the other determine the reigns of these princes. hand, that the Eusebian and Syncel
It should be remarked, with refer- line versions distort this part of the ence to the time of the Persian em. synchronous Egyptian and Persian pire, that there is little or no difference chronology. The version of Eusebius in the Egyptian statements, except allows forty-seven years and four what results from the odd months, months only for the twenty-eighth, down to the reign of Darius Nothus; twenty-ninth, and thirtieth dynasties, which thus far sufficiently agree with from the death of Nothus to the twen
reference to the fugitive Jews in Egypt, (Jerem. xlii. 16. xliii. 10.-xliv. 27, 30 ) whose return would hence synchronise with that of their brethren in Babylon.
But, ascending forty years from B.c. 536, we arrive at B.c. 576, for the invasion of Egypt by the Chaldeans, or two years after the 27th of the reign of Nebuchadnez. zar, B.c. 578, which would, therefore, appear to be the date intended by the prophet, (Exek. xxix. 27.) which relates exclusively to the conquest of Egypt by Nebuchadnezzar to repay him for his services against Tyre.
It comes in between the prophet's dates, in the tenth and eleventh of Jeconiah's captivity, and the last date in the prophecy is the twenty-fifth year of that captivity, B.C. 572, which is expressly stated to be the 14th from the destruction of Jerusalem (Exek. xl. I).
By raising the Egyptian captivity to b.c. 576 from B.c. 570, we raise the end of the reign of Apries, Vaphres, or Hophra, to the same date, (Jerem. xliv. 30), or six years anterior to the accession of Amasis. This is the difference between the reigns of Vaphres as stated by Africanus, nineteen years, and by Herodotus and Eusebius, twentyfive, and will hence leave his accession, B c. 595, where the latter have placed it.
If, with Syncellus, we assign fifty years to Amasis, instead of forty-four, with Herodotus and Manetho, the accession of that prince will ascend to the Egyptian captivity. But we must not depart from the older authorities. And Hellanicus, who visited Egypt before Herodotus, explains the difficulty in a passage preserved by Athenæus, (Deip. xv). He lets us know that a prince named Partamis (doubtless the Patarbemis mentioned by Herodotus, 11. 162), ruled Egypt immediately before Amasis.
Father Peyron has, accordingly, placed Partamis between Vaphres and Amasis, and assigned him a five years' reigni; and that an intermediate king reigned is evident from the 3d Psammetic of the monuments, whom Rosellini makes the same with Psammenitus, the son of Amasis, but rchose daughter was the queen of Amasis, according to the more accurate Wilkinson.
tieth of Ochus, which is eighteen years ment with Manetho, according to the short of the truth, and reduces the copy of Africanus. reign of Artaxerxes Mnemon from It is also important to notice that forty-six to twenty-eight years. The Manetho's Egyptian reign of Camby. same copyist assigns an Egyptian re- ses is six years in the copy of Afri. sidue of six years to Ochus, thereby canus. This exceeds the truth by lengthening his reign from twenty-one two years, yet becomes an additional to twenty-six years. In the chronicle proof of his integrity as a historian, of Eusebius these errors are partially because it agrees with the reign of corrected, as will be seen from the Cambyses, as it appears on the hieroperiods assigned in it to the latter glyphic tablets, the original source of dynasties. The reign of Ochus, how- Manetho's history, as he himself deever, remains twenty-six years, and clares. It is not the full reign of the excess is taken off that of Mne- Cambyses, which was eight years, inmon, his predecessor, to whom forty clusively of the seven months of the years are assigned instead of forty-six. Magian conspirators; and hence it is
Syncellus has the same number, that the accuracy of Manetho in copyforty years, for Mnemon, while, fol. ing the monument has led him into lowing what he terms the ecclesiasti- this error. cal canon, he cuts down that of Ochus As the question regarding the Perto five years : and it should further sian reigns from the accession of Arbe observed that both these chronicles, taxerxes Mnemon is of great imporfollowed by the moderns, raise the tance to history, and was misundercommencement of the twenty. ninth stood even by Scaliger, in whose age dynasty to the reign of Darius No. the mathematical canon of Hipparchus thus, whereas it is clear from Dio- and Ptolemy had not been recovered, dorus (xiv. 19, 35, 79) that this dy- we shall here state them according to nasty did not begin until after the the several authorities above mentionrevolt of Cyrus the younger from his ed, adding to them the numbers of the brother Artaxerxes Mnemon, in agree patriarch Nicephorus and Scaliger.
Syn. Niceph. Scal. Hip. Ptol.
Yrs. Artax. Mnemon
43 46 Artax. Ochus
26 5 22 23 21 Arses
4 4 4 4 2 Darius Codom.
6 6 6 6 4
It is hence evident that Manetho's century of the Christian era. The rechronology of the times of the Persian covery of this record has enabled moempire, preserved by writers whose dern chronologers to correct the miserrors it exposes, is fully as accurate takes of the ecclesiastical historians, as that of the celebrated astronomer and accurately to connect the histories Hipparchus, who lived in the next cen. of the Old and New Testaments. It tury—a tolerably good criterion, inde- may be proved to be founded on the pendently of the monumental verifica- same principles, as it was derived from tions, of the judgment and integrity of the same Egyptian school with the the Egyptian annalist, and of the high chronological record of Manetho: and value of every name and number of a few observations regarding it will his history, if we possessed them in an conduct us to farther elucidations of uncorrupted state, as well as of the that historian. utility of every well-founded attempt The record in question, which will to restore his original data and system. be found at page 83 of Ancient Frag.
The celebrated chronological table ments,' accompanied by two spurious of the Chaldean, Persian, and Græco- ecclesiastical versions from Syncellus, Egyptian Kings, and Roman Empe. which were used by the early Christian rors, originated by Hipparchus in the chronographers, is adjusted from the second century B.C., was continued eclipses observed by the Chaldean and by Claudius Ptolemy,' in the second Greek astronomers, registered in the
Ancient Frag., pp. 83, 4.
calendar of the Egyptian, or uninter. year B.c. 747, when the Thoth fell on calated year of 365 days, which re- February 26th. This, in reference to ceded through the seasons, in the space Egyptian history, may be named the of a canicular cycle of 1461 erratic, or' cycle of Bocchoris, in whose reign it 1460 fixed years of 3657 days, as ex- originated, or of the contemporary plained in the passage from Censori. Diospolite Ramses IX. of whom we nus, cited in * Ancient Fragments,' have astronomical remains. Its Egyp
tian epoch was more critically b.c. It appears from Censorinus (Anc. 761, when the month Thoth and the Frag. p. 327.) that this period was re- sign Pisces astronomically coincided, newed in the Julian quadriennium, the day of the Thoth answering to A. D. 136_140: and to this date February 29th ; for to this epoch the (when the Thoth, or first day of the Zodiacs of Denderah and other astroEgyptian year, corresponded with the nomical remains are referable. twentieth of the Julian July), which Our space, however, will not permit coincided with the accession of Anto- us now to enter into a full elucidation ninus Pius, the astronomical canon of of this part of the question ; which is, Hipparchus was continued by Clau- in fact, more properly connected with dius Ptolemy.
the earlier portion of Egyptian history, This was the fundamental and most to which we shall have occasion to recommonly received canicular epoch, Our further investigation will and the cycle at that time renewed, enable us in a great degree to restore which necessarily originated B.c. 1325 the texts of Manetho's early dynasties, -1321, was known as the period of and thereby to give a corrected view King Menophres, as appears from a of Egyptian chronology from the most passage of an unpublished manuscript ancient times, and to test the different of the Astronomer Theon of Alex- systems of ancient and modern specu. andria, given in • Ancient Fragments,' lators upon the subject. p. 329; and the age of this Menophres In concluding the present Egyptian coincides with that of Mæris, one of article, of which we have made Mr the great improvers of Egyptian sci. Cory's Ancient Fragments' the text,
· ence, whose death was dated 900 years we should hardly do justice to that before Herodotus visited Egypt (II. work, if we suffered our readers to re13) in the fifth century, B. C., so that main under an impression that its uti. Menophres and Mæris are no doubt lity is confined to Egyptian literature. the same monarch.
This, as already intimated, forms a To the conclusion of this period, prominent department of the Fragthe earliest recorded chronological ments, which also contain a similar colsystem of the priests pointed, and its lection of all the original documents of commencement was the established the Phænicians, Chaldeans, and other parapegma of calculation in the days primitive nations, which have reached of Theon, A.D. 384, as appears from us through the Greek and Latin lanthe above-cited passage.
guages ; including the remains of SanBut, although the recession of the coniatho, Berosus, Abydenus, and erratic through the fixed year was Zoroaster. always regular, and the places of the This work, in effect, comprises the Egyptian months consequently deter- elements of a heathen Bible, containminable for any epoch; and, although ing nearly all the known historical and the cycle of Menophres or Mæris was mythological fragments of the ages the fundamental one, the epoch of the which preceded Grecian literature, uncanicular period was far from inva- obscured by hypothesis or any attempt riable. From each correction of the at system. Egyptian calendar a new cycle was Such a book can hardly be more dated, which took its root from the acceptable to the historical enquirer day of the fixed year with which the than to the biblical critic. The original Thoth at that time happened to coin- documents of which it consists, appear cide.
in parallel columns with English tranSuch was the epoch from which slations, thus affording to the antiquary Hipparchus and Ptolemy deduce their the means of accuracy, and to the genechronological calendar, which, being ral reader the means of gratifying his at its commencement adapted to the curiosity without the labour of consultChaldean succession, is named the era ing the numerous folios from which the of Nabonassar, and dates from the materials have been derived.
EXTRACTS FROM THE DRAWER OF OUR WHAT-NOT.
THE LAW OF CONTENT.
It is often found that men engage and ungrateful labour, though such he in the pursuits to which their life is to may have felt it; he sees in it the be devoted, with little interest :-but means of these results; he sees in it it is seldom found that those who have
own power—he himself, with his heen long engaged to such pursuits joy and pride, his affections and strong do not create an interest in them. desires, is identified with that avocaThe results which they obtain by their cation by which all these seek and exertions, and which are grateful in have found their gratification. If we themselves, reflect a pleasure upon the could go into the homes of mechanic means by which they have been ac- labour, and enquire what are the quired. The very effort by which dif- thoughts and feelings that are at ticulties have been overcome, leaves work to unite mind and heart to the an agreeable remembrance ; the ar. work on which all life is bestowed, dour of desire, which is excited in we should find that even the implecontention with obstacles, throws an ments of art are invested with asso. interest upon the pursuit itself in which ciations of feeling which reconcile and those obstacles have arisen. The vi- bind to them the hand which they are vid excitation of the consciousness of daily to fill, even as the walls of the those powers of thought and will rudest cottage are hung with those which are aroused in the processes of thoughts of many years which make every occupation, and the little tri- it, and it only, a home to its familiar umphs of successful enterprise and ex- inmates. On which account Wordsertion which continually attend them, worth has, with great tenderness of make pleasure to the mind, whatever feeling and fidelity to nature, in speakbe its employment. To every man ing of one of these homes made desowho bends his strength to labour, whe- late by distressful times, mentioned, ther it be the strength of his limbs, or among the objects which were painful of his exerted mind, there is one great to the hearts of its dwellers to look object which he has steadfastly in upon, view : He trusts to owe to powers of
" The empty loom, cold hearth, and silent his own his independence of the world;
wheel." and the acquisition of this independence, as he secures it, step by step, is To that by which the hopes, the deone of the most grateful rewards of sires, the strengths, the loves of the even ungrateful labour.which success human heart are supported and noucan bring to self-love. But most men rished,—to that, whatever it be, will have motives to the prosecution of the heart turn with its own fondtheir exertions, which do not termi- No object that has ever touchnate in themselves. They have those ed our life is seen by us naked and as who depend on them, and who are it is—it is seen clothed with our asdear to them, When the honourable sociations of thought, and powerful welfare of these is earned by his own through them to take hold upon our exertions, there is a requital found to feelings. Our fancy easily carries the most painful efforts of the human this belief to the life of those whose being, in which the noblest and best occupation is to till the earth. The feelings of his nature are the most scenes in which their labour is laid, keenly interested. These keen warm the great changes of nature under feelings of pleasure, which reach so which they dwell, and the bounty deeply into the mind, become asso- of nature, with which they hold conciated with the external objects and tinual intercourse, awaken our imagicircumstances with which they are nation, and make it easy to us to conconnected, and on which they are de- ceive that the employments of such a pendent. The man who sustains him- life may be rich in associations which self and others by his manly strength, will take strong hold upon the heart. sees, in the employment in which that But if we could enter into that condistrength is put forth, not its painful tion, and see how bard it sometimes
lays its lot upon those who strive under to the earth not by the joy it has yieldit, we should perceive that the process ed them, but by the labours they have which binds to the soil him who waters sown in its bosom. They have wedded its furrows with the drops of his brow, themselves to it by their own acts of is something of a far deeper and more persevering and enduring exertion ; serious kind than offers itself to our and it has attached them to itself even ready conception. Men love the earth by that bare and poor requital which indeed on which they have dwelt, and it has rendered from its unfruitful bowhich they have sown and reaped,- som to their patient industry. Of they love that spot which, from sire such a kind and of such power are the to son, the hands of one race have associated remembrances and thoughts tilled. But what thoughts are they which the mind is able to spread around which can bring forth a love so deepit upon the subjects of its continual that toil hard and unremitting, wear- employment. And in such associaing out the strength-that scanted re- tions, exceedingly various according turns barely yielding the sustenance to the nature and circumstances of the of life—that privations, sorrow, and occupation, yet all strong in the same fear cannot shake it ?—that they will strength, is to be found the explanastill live on, the occupiers of their tion of that attachment to their own small domain, with the spring-water calling which is found among menfor their drink and the oatmeal for their which is the great “ Law of Content" to food, and be content, rather than part human life--the strength and support from it? The thoughts are nothing of their exertions—and, to no inconsi. less than the recollections of a life, and derable extent, the provision made in recollections left from lives beyond nature for their happiness and their their own. Here they have lived- virtue. here they have toiled. They are bound
The truth is, that the opinion now be endured in one instance than that so readily and generally admitted, a law of right should be made subject that what is right is also, on the whole, to human judgment. But in that very most conducive to the general good, reasoning we presume that the law of so far from having been a connexion right is made known to us by some primarily and necessarily discerned different means; and that, simply beby the human intelligence, is a convic- cause it is right, its maintenance must tion arising from much philosophical be of more importance than any parspeculation. It is a conclusion now ticular advantage that might be derivfamiliar to our minds. But whence ed from its violation. is it deduced ? Not from ascertaining We ask what absolute and univerthe fact which we can never ascertain sal Reason is there that shall defrom induction sufficiently comprehen- monstrate to all human-kind this imsive ; but from confidence in the good. portance of General Rules? If the ness of the Ruler of the world. Some people of some small country in the thing, indeed, we discern towards it; centre of Asia fall under severe tywe have discovered an importance in ranny, and a patriot is tempted to general rules, and can argue that acts put the tyrant to death, what light which appear expedient in the single of Nature shall explain to him that if case would become inexpedient if they he kills that despot, the same rule of were generally practised. But this is judgment will authorise any man in rather a maxim of philosophising than Europe to put to death any other the result of absolute induction. We whose life he esteems a public nuiknow that such an act is wrong. We sance; and that therefore he is bound see that a case can be imagined in to let his fellow-citizens groan under which it would appear to be expedient, their yoke, on account of the disorder but we dare not admit its expediency. which his principle of action would And in order to extricate ourselves introduce among nations of which he from the dilemma we resort to the has never heard, and who will never principle, that it is better evil should hear of him or his action? It may be