sembled wisdom of civilized and Christian nations.

IX,

TIONS.

MEASURES FOR THE RELIEF OF SUFFERING NA-There can be no question, that nations are bound to assist each other, in cases of want and suffering, so far as they are able to do it, consistently with their own preservation. This duty has always been admitted in theory, and has also been acknowledged in some instances by the more decisive testimony of being put in practice; but it has not, in general, been carried into effect so promptly and efficiently, as it ought to have been. It is but a few years since, that hundreds of thousands in Greece were in a state of starvation; still more recently the inhabitants of the Cape De Verd islands were in the same situation; in both instances the cry of distress was heard and reechoed through every part of the civilized world; but the assistance, which was furnished and for which there has not often been a more urgent call, was rendered chiefly, if not exclusively, by individuals. It is undoubtedly proper and commendable for individuals to act in such cases; but it seems highly suitable, whether we consider the magnitude of the object or the relations of one political community to another, that the greater and more effective ability of nations should be put in requisition. And measures to this end, such as would render prompt and ample assistance in all cases of great national suffering brought about by unavoidable causes, would be properly set on foot and perfected by an International assembly.

X, INTERPRETATION OF TREATIES. -Writers on the Law of nations have laid down various principles, applicable to the interpretation of treaties, and in so doing they have contributed to the great cause of justice and humanity. But it was not within the reach of any ordinary foresight to anticipate distinctly all the possible circumstances of their application. Cases may be ex

pected to occur in time to come, as they always have occurred in time past, where the stipulations of treaties are of such a nature as to leave it entirely doubtful what course the parties are bound to pursue. None of the principles, which are established in the public law, will meet them. Under such circumstances it is highly desirable, that there should be some established body, possessing the confidence of all parties, to which an appeal can be made. Such a body would be an assembly composed of the most distinguished men of various nations, a majority of whom could not be supposed to be influenced by views, inconsistent with entire justice.

XI, MILITARY REGULATIONS IN TIME OF PEACE. Expensive fortresses are maintained, immense armies are kept on foot, and numerous fleets are supported even in time of peace, merely because such fleets, armies and navies are maintained by the surrounding nations. It seems to be an established maxim, whether a just one or not we will not here undertake to say, that no nation in Europe can greatly reduce its military establishment without incurring danger from other nations. The excessive expense, therefore, attending these establishments must be perpetually incurred, and the people be burdened and distressed by taxation, unless the nations in the neighborhood of each other can be brought into the measure of a simultaneous reduction. But this measure which so nearly concerns all civilized nations, both the governments and the people, is very difficult to be effected. No nation is willing to take the first step in any considerable reduction of military force, without a full assurance that the surrounding nations will take the same step; and such an assurance seems necessarily to imply a meeting of the nations concerned, and a mutual consultation. It was probably in consequence of his conviction of the embarrassments and miseries at

tending large military establishments, that Henry IV of France, proposed, about the year 1610, the plan, which has already been spoken of, for preventing the recurrence of wars in Europe. His plan was to constitute, by means of an European Congress, a sort of pacific and confederated European commonwealth. He proposed, that delegates should be appointed by the several European nations, and that these, when assembled together, should act as a court of inquiry and arbitration in any controversies, that might from time to time arise among the States, by whom they were commissioned. If this wise and benevolent plan had gone into effect at the time of its proposal, how many millions of money would have been saved-how many lives would have been prolonged-how many tears would have been spared. The immense sums, applied to the slaughter of the human race, would have been expended in the culture of the earth, in purposes of commerce, in feeding the hungry, and clothing the naked, and healing the sick, and in various ways diminishing the aggregate of misery and increasing the sum of happiness.

XII,

THE ENTIRE AND PERMANENT EXTINCTION OF

WAR. -This is the great object, for which such a body ought to be assembled. Wars must end. They commonly arise from such trivial causes; they are so at variance with the benevolent and just elements of man's nature; they strike so deep at the root of human happiness; they are so obviously opposed to the spirit and the letter of the Gospel; that religion and benevolence and the common sympathies and wants of humanity all cry aloud for their permanent termination. The progress of civilization will do much towards this end; the diffusion of Christianity will do more; but there is reason to fear they will come short of this great object, unless their beneficent influences are brought together and concen

trated in the authoritative voice of some august International assembly. If this were the only object, which could properly be brought before a Congress of nations, or which would be worthy of their attention, it is so transcendently great in itself and in its connections, that it would alone fully justify the formation of such an assembly.

These are some of the topics, which might be expected to come before the august body, which is proposed to be formed. There are a few others, which seem to require a more particular notice. We shall not, however, undertake to present a complete enumeration; but one thing may be regarded as certain, that, if they should assemble in the true spirit of their vocation, if they should have a heart as feelingly alive to the interests and claims of mankind, as they would undoubtedly have a head clear and able in the perception of them, there can be no doubt they would find enough to do.

CHAPTER THIRD.

WEIGHTS AND MEASURES.

AMONG the subjects,which the advice and decisions of the proposed Congress might be expected to reach with some favorable results, may be included that of Weights and Measures. This is a subject, which is so closely connected with the progress and happiness of the human race, and is at the same time so little understood, that we shall bestow a little more time upon it, than was allotted to the slightly noticed topics of the preceding chapter. It is really appalling to notice the diversity which exists throughout the world, in the measures of weight and quantity. The system of England is different from that of France; and that of France is different from the system of Holland; and almost every country, however allied it may be by commerce to other countries, has its own system, its own practices. And it is sometimes difficult with all the pains that can be taken to estimate, as compared with each other, the weights and measures of different countries. We do not presume to assert, that any thing could be effectually done by a Congress towards securing a general uniformity in this thing, but they would certainly be in a situation, to estimate the practicability of such a movement, to make propositions in relation to it, and give advice. Favour