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confidence to the minds of the well-con- the introduction of this Bill, and would ducted, by punishing the disturbers of the even record factious votes to put down this public peace; therefore he, knowing well wanton infringement of the rights of the its value, would hope that Her Majesty's Irish people. If he had any influence with Government would use every exertion to the noble Lord at the head of the Governhave it carried through the House before ment, he would ask him not to tarnish his the close of the Session, and it should have high character by agreeing to any measure his warm and decided support. of coercion towards the Irish people. He Question put. thought that Irish Members had some

The House divided:-Ayes 81; Noes claim on the noble Lord, for on a late oc28 Majority 53.

Main Question again proposed.

MR. HUME contended that if the people of England were treated like those of Ireland, they would resist by force such an attempt to deprive them of their rights. The Government had made out no case for this Bill; in fact, there was no case to make out. On the former occasion he had thought it right to arm the Government with these powers. Nothing had been done since to give the people the civil rights enjoyed by the people of this country; on that ground he thought the representatives of Ireland fully justified in resisting this measure by every means which the forms of the House would allow. Sound policy alone would dictate to the Government some attempt at conciliation. This was the interest of England as well as Ireland; for in the absence of good government large and costly bodies of troops were necessary to keep the people of Ireland quiet. He should give every assistance to hon. Members who thought fit to avail themselves of all the forms of the House in opposing this measure.

MR. REYNOLDS tendered his thanks to the hon. Member for Montrose, on his own behalf and on that of his constituents, for his manly, generous, and frank declaration, which was, to him, consolatory and refreshing. He looked upon this Bill as a brand, a stain, and an insult on the Irish people. The right hon. Secretary for Ireland acknowledged that the country was tranquil, and yet he, because of his office, advocated this arbitrary measure. The Government asked for this Bill as a child asked for a toy-to play with during the recess; but, as the fable of the bull and the frogs had it, "what is sport to you, is death to us. Would they dare to propose such a Bill for England or Scotland. They would not. He felt that on his return to Dublin his constituents would naturally ask him why he supported a Government which thus treated Ireland; and he confessed the question would be a difficult one He was determined to oppose

to answer.

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casion, when an attempt was made to oust the Ministry on the question of their foreign policy, the noble Lord owed his success to the support he received from Irish Members, for it would be found that the noble Lord's majority of 46, included 58 independent Irish Members. [Laughter.] He very well understood the meaning of that laugh; but he was not so unacquainted with the rules of arithmetic that he did not know that 58 could not be included in 46. He meant no such thing, but he meant this-that 58 Irish Members had voted in the majority with the noble Lord, and if they had voted the other way, it would have made a difference of 116 against the noble Lord. And what would have been the consequence? In all probability they would have seen the right hon. Baronet the Member for Ripon changing over to the Ministerial side, supported by a number of he would not say "loose fish," but of those who, from their talents and position, could assist in forming a piebald Administration. He could tell the noble Lord that, during the recess, the Irish Members would get up a little constitutional agitation, and he would advise that the first pledge exacted from a candidate in case of there being an opportunity afforded should be, that he would not give his support to any Ministry who would introduce such a Bill as that they were now discussing. This might appear an empty threat, but he would remind the noble Lord that when parties on both sides were so nicely balanced, 80 Irish votes might at any time disturb his or any other Administration.

MR. MOORE, with reference to the remark of the hon. Member for North Northamptonshire, that he had voted against a Coercion Bill on a former occasion because he bore a grudge to a particular Minister, and wished to drive him from office, said, he could not conceive that motives more abominable could possibly be avowed. He would say, moreover, that as long as Ireland was legislated for by such men as this, and upon principles such as these

as long as she was legislated for, not according to the interests of the country, but the exigencies of a particular partyas long as Ireland was made the battlefield of faction, and ruled with reference to the support or defeat of Ministers, so long would she have bitter cause to complain of the spirit of their legislation, and to agitate, however vainly, for legislation at home.

SIR J. GRAHAM said, as the hour was approaching at which the House would probably adjourn, he wished to ask whether at the adjourned sitting they would proceed with the Orders of the Day, or with Notices of Motion?

LORD J. RUSSELL thought it desirable that the House, after discussing this question for two days, should finish the debate before they adjourned. He was desirous that the Orders of the Day should have preference at the adjourned sitting; but if hon. Members who had notices on the paper insisted on their right, there was nothing to prevent their bringing them on. MR. HUME asked the noble Lord at the head of the Government when he would be prepared to go on with the discussion respecting the Ionian Islands, because it was essential that some statement should be made respecting the conduct of Sir Henry Ward?

LORD J. RUSSELL said, that he would give an opportunity of bringing the subject before the House on Friday or Monday.

MR. HUME wished to know when he might have an opportunity of submitting his Motion as to the propriety of laying the evidence which was taken before the Ceylon Committee on the table of the House?

the House. He begged to express his gratitude for the speech of the hon. Member for Montrose, because it showed that there were some English Members who desired to maintain the rights and liberties of Irishmen. It had been said that the Amendment was tantamount to a vote of want of confidence. Well, without meaning offence to Her Majesty's Government, he for one would say that he had no confidence in their policy for Ireland.

SIR J. WALMSLEY said, that when the measure on which the present Bill was founded was introduced in 1847, it was sustained by an array of figures and statistics which induced a large number of the Members of the House, and especially the English Members, to vote in favour of it. A large number of Irish Members also were induced to vote for the Bill for the same reason. He believed that there were thirty or thirty-five Irish Members voting in favour of the Bill, and only four against it.

That showed that the Irish Members were anxious and desirous that every measure necessary for preventing crime in Ireland should be introduced and carried. But on the introduction of the Bill in the present Session, the right hon. Baronet the Chief Secretary for Ireland made out no case for the measure before the House. On the contrary, it appeared to him he showed as plainly as words could show, there was no absolute necessity for the Bill. Neither had the noble Lord at the head of the Government made out any case in its favour. On the contrary, all that he could say in its favour was that it was a measure of precaution. It had been said that this question was a want of confidence in Her Majesty's Government. He could not concur in that view of the case. If he did, he should not follow the course he was about to do on the present occasion. He felt convinced that Her Majesty's Government would deal fairly, justly, and honestly towards Ireland, but they had a long series of misrule to contend with. He would, therefore, put it to the Government not to go on coercing the people of Ireland, for they had now arrived at a period in the history of both countries when Ireland must be governed by love, and not by fear. They never could rule Ireland by fear. He would therefore urge the Government to withdraw the Bill. This was not a vote of want of confidence in the Government, but MR. S. CRAWFORD wished to say a this measure showed a want of confidence few words on the question really before in the people of Ireland, and on that

LORD J. RUSSELL hoped the hon. Gentleman would reconsider his view on the subject. The evidence was very voluminous, and it being doubtful whether it should be reported to the House, the Committee decided that it ought not. It appeared to him that the best course to take was to inform the Governor of Ceylon of the evidence which had been taken, and in the next Session of Parliament he would be prepared to support a Motion for the production of the evidence. But he did not think it fair to circulate the evidence where the parties concerned were at a great distance, and before they could ascertain whether the charges were true or false.

ground also he would recommend its withdrawal. But if it was persevered in, he, as far as he was able, would oppose its further progress in that House.

COLONEL THOMPSON said, he so entirely concurred in what had been said by the hon. Member for Bolton, that it was very little he should add. He was strongly impressed with the necessity of creating a real and substantial union between England and Ireland. Times were coming which would call for everything in the shape of union which this United Kingdom, as it was called, could effect. Statesmanship was like seamanship. The best of seamen might go to the bottom; but if he was to keep afloat, it must be by watching the signs of the times, and taking early precautions against danger. So it behoved the statesman who saw the dangers approaching, to guard against them by a timely union of heart and mind, between England and Ireland. He hoped he had done something towards promoting that end, by impressing the necessity for such

a course.

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SIR R. H. INGLIS rose to put a question to his hon. Friend the Under Secretary for the Colonies, in reference to some late despatches of his noble Friend who was at the head of that department. certain foreign Potentate had appointed to a certain office certain persons in certain parts of Her Majesty's dominions. The question he wished to ask his hon. Friend was, whether Her Majesty's Ministers had advised Her Majesty to continue to recognise the precedence which such appointment gave other parties, whose orders had been conferred with Her Majesty's sanction?

MR. HAWES had read over the notice which the hon. Baronet had put upon the paper, with some care, in order to divine, if he could, the direction which this question would take, and he certainly was not quite prepared for the direction which it had taken. The despatches that were laid upon the table contained all the information that it was in his power to give. A circular had been issued from the Colonial Office to the Governors of the different

the latter that he wished to call attention. The time was seventeen and a half hours, and he thought it possible that the transmission might take place in fourteen and a half hours, being a saving of three

colonies, to the effect that Roman Catholic prelates in the colonies might use the titles belonging to their ecclesiastical dignities, and that those titles would be acknowledged. As to the question of precedence, the question was altogether different. The hours. In support of that assertion, he acknowledgment of the title did not necessarily establish the order of precedencethat was regulated by other rules, and those rules had not been departed from.

THE EXHIBITION OF 1851.

might state that the mail which left Euston-square station at 5 o'clock in the afternoon reached Kingstown Harbour at 6 o'clock the following morning, being a period of thirteen hours. If that could be done between London and Dublin, he did not see why it should not be done between Dublin and London. He had felt it to be his duty to bring the matter under the consideration of the noble Lord at the head of the Post Office department; but although he (Mr. Reynolds) succeeded in proving that a substantial grievance existed, and the noble Lord expressed his willingness to apply a remedy, it appeared that the noble Lord worked with such imperfect machinery that he was unable to control it. He would now show the manner in which the time occupied between Dublin and London was taken up. The de

COLONEL SIBTHORP rose to put one or two questions to the noble Lord at the head of the Government, and his right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer. There was a report that 14,000l. had already been advanced from the Treasury to the Commissioners for the Exhibition that was to be held next year. He wished to know if this were so, and if not, he wished to ask the First Minister of the Crown whether he was disposed to pledge himself that he would not propose, or sanction the proposal, either directly or indirectly, the issue of any sum of money, as well as the Chancellor of the Exche-parture took place at half-past seven o'clock, quer pledge himself not to issue or advance any public money for the purpose of carrying on the works for the proposed Exhibition of 1851 without the sanction of Parliament.

The CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER said, with reference to the statement made by the hon. and gallant Gentleman, that 14,000l. had already been advanced, it was utterly and entirely a mistake.

and five hours forty minutes were allowed for crossing between Holyhead and Dublin. Twenty minutes were allowed for landing the mails, making six hours as the time occupied in crossing the Channel. There was a margin allowed at Holyhead for irregularities in the arrival of the packets; and the mail did not start from that point till two o'clock in the morning. The train arrived at Chester at forty minutes past four o'clock, where the mails were detain

COLONEL SIBTHORP did not say it had been advanced. He said there was a ru-ed one hour and fifty minutes. The train mour to that effect.

The CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER could at any rate give it a complete and unqualified contradiction. As to any pledge, he must decline coming under any promise in the way proposed.

COLONEL SIBTHORP: And the noble Lord?

LORD J. RUSSELL: No, I must de- or five o'clock, as cline.

POSTAL COMMUNICATION BETWEEN

LONDON AND DUBLIN.

MR. REYNOLDS rose to call attention to the great public inconvenience caused by the present mode of transmitting the mails between Dublin and London. At present, the mails left daily between Dublin and London. One left Kingstown at 12 o'clock in the morning, and the other at half-past 7 in the evening. It was to

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again started at half-past six o'clock, and arrived at London at one o'clock. This was equal to seventeen hours London time. He was prepared to propose a plan by which the mail would arrive at a quarter past ten in the morning, thus enabling a delivery of Irish letters to take place at twelve o'clock, and not at half-past four at present. From Kingstown the departure should be at five minutes past seven (equal to half-past seven English time); five and a half hours should be allowed for crossing; twenty minutes allowed for the landing at Holyhead. The train should start at twenty minutes past one o'clock, and it would be due at Chester at four o'clock. On arriving at that point, there ought to be no delay; but the mail should proceed to Blisworth, and then to London, where the arrival would be at a quarter past ten

statement that the present arrangements with reference to Chester were most inconvenient.

MR. STAFFORD said, it was absurdly incongruous on the part of a Government which had only the other day justified the withdrawal of the Lord Lieutenant from Dublin on the specific ground of having established a more rapid communication between the two capitals, to permit the subordinates of the Post Office actually to impede that communication by their bungling arrangements.

o'clock. This would enable letters to be answered the same evening by the nine o'clock express train. He understood that the cause of the detention at Chester was for the accommodation of Liverpool and the northern parts of England. He would do as much as any man to serve a neighbour, but he could not go so far as to sacrifice the correspondence with Ireland for the sake of accommodating the people of Liverpool, and of the north of England. The delay at Chester would be removed were the Government to incur the expense of a special train between that town and Blisworth; and he thought that ought to be done. He should conclude by moving for a copy of any Regulations which may have been made by the Postmaster General relating to the Transmission of the Mails between London and Dublin.'

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COLONEL CHATTERTON said, if the right hon. Gentleman the Lord Mayor had just cause of complaint at the great public inconvenience caused by the present mode of transmitting Her Majesty's mails between Dublin and London, how much more legitimate cause of complaint had they in the south of Ireland? After the arrival of the mails in Dublin, they were uselessly detained for four or five hours in the post-office there; and he almost doubted if his assertion would gain credence in the House, when he said a passenger coming from Holyhead in the same boat that conveyed the mails could actually reach the south of Ireland thirteen hours before the letters. He need not say any

MR. CORNEWALL LEWIS said, that the present arrangements had been adopted upon the most mature and impartial consideration of the best mode of balancing different conveniences and inconveniences. There could be no question that the facilitation of communication between London and Dublin was a very important object; but, on the other hand, the suggestion of the hon. Gentleman would in- more to impress the House with the convolve considerable expenditure. The Post-viction that an alteration of such an evil master General, however, would, he was was necessary. sure, continue to pay the closest attention to the subject, and be ready to adopt any practicable improvement.

MR. FRENCH expressed a hope that the improvement would be brought into effect at the earliest possible moment, for the present arrangements were most embarrassing to Irish correspondents.

Motion agreed to.

MEDICAL CHARITIES (IRELAND) BILL.
House in Committee.
Clause 10.

MR. G. A. HAMILTON moved, that the appointment of officers should be comMR. COWPER said, that even if the mitted to the managing committee of the mails were transmitted more rapidly from dispensary district, subject to the control Dublin to London, it would be impossible of the guardians. He objected to the to deliver them any sooner than at pre- power given to the Commissioners by the sent, except by an entire reconstruction of clause as it stood, to determine absolutely the sorting arrangements. The letters the salaries and qualifications of medical from Dublin were delivered at the same officers; and he considered that the aptime with letters from the north of Eng-pointments ought to be open to all duly land and Scotland. qualified medical men.

MAJOR BLACKALL said, it would be a very great convenience to have an intermediate mail from Dublin, enabling persons who had received letters from London by the five o'clock mail from that city to despatch the business to which they referred and return an answer accordingly, without having a whole day's delay intervene.

MR. O. STANLEY concurred in the

Amendment proposed, p. 4, 1. 19, to leave out the words "with such qualifications and salaries as the said Commissioners shall determine," in order to insert the words" duly qualified by law," instead thereof.

Question put, "That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the Clause." The Committee divided:-Ayes 36; Noes 15: Majority 21.

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