members, as well as others, for delinquency or offence against the honour of their house. But in all other matters of judicature, they are merely a court of inquifition and prefentment, and not a tribunal of definitive judgment.

In this respect, however, they are ex tremely formidable. They conftitute the Grand Inqueft of the nation; 'for which great and good purpose they are fuppofed to be perfectly qualified by a perfonal knowledge of what hath been tranfacted throughout the feveral fhires, cities, and boroughs, from whence they affemble, and which they reprefent.

Over and above their inquiry into all public grievances, wicked miniiters, tranfgreffing magiftrates, corrupt judges and jufticiaries, who fell, deny, or delay justice; evi counfellors of the crown, who attempt or devife the fubverfion or alteration of any part of the conftitution; with all fuch Overgrown malefactors as are deemed above the reach of inferior courts; come under the particular cognizance of the commons to be by them impeached, and prefented for trial at the bar of the house of lords. And these inquifitory and judicial powers of the two houses, from which no man uncer the crown can be exempted, are deemed a fufficient allay

and

and counterpoife to the whole executive power of the king, by his minifters.

The legiflative department of the power of the commons is in all respects co-equal with that of the peers. They frame any bills at pleasure for the purposes of good government. They exercife a right, as the lords alfo do, to propose and bring in bills, for the amendment or repeal of old laws, as well as for the ordaining or inftitution of new ones. And each houfe, alike, hath a negative on all bills that are framed and paffed by the other.

But the capital, the incommunicable, privilege of the house of commons, arifes from that holy trust which their conftituents repofe in them; whereby they are impowered to borrow from the people a fmall portion of their property, in order to reftore it, threefold in the advantages of peace, equal government, and the encouragement of trade, industry, and the manufactures.

To impart any of this truft, would be a breach of the constitution; and even to abuse it, would be a felonious breach of common honesty.

By this fundamental truft, and incommunicable privilege, the commons have the fole power over the money of the people; to grant or deny aids, according as VOL. III.

Z

they

they fhall judge them either requifite or unneceffary to the public fervice. Theirs is the province, and theirs alone, to inquire and judge of the feveral occafions for which fuch aids may be required, and to measure and appropriate the fums to their respective ufes. Theirs alfo is the fole province of framing all bills or laws for the impofing of any taxes, and of appointing the means of levying the fame upon the people. Neither may the firft or fecond eftate, either king or peerage, propound or do any thing relating to. these matters, that may any way interfere with the proceedings of the commons; fave in their negative or affent to fuch bills, when prefented to them, without addition, deduction, or alteration of any kind.

After fuch-like aids and taxes have been levied and difpofed of, the commons have the further right of inquiring and examining into the application of faid aids; of ordering all accounts relative thereto to be laid before them; and of cenfuring the abuse or misapplication thereof.

The royal affent to all other bills is expreffed by the terms, "Le roy le veut--

the king wills it :" but when the commons prefent their bills of aid to his majefty, it is answered, "Le roy remercier

"fes

1

fes loyal fujects et ainfi le veut

the

king thanks his loyal fubjects, and so "willeth." An exprefs acknowledgment, that the right of granting or levying monies, for public purposes, dies folely, inherently, and incommunicably, in the people, and their reprefentatives.

This capital privilege of the commons conftitutes the grand counterpoife to the king's principal prerogative of making peace or war; for, how important must a warlike enterprise prove, without money, which makes the finews thereof! And thus the people and their representatives ftill retain in their hands the GRAND MOMENTUM of the conftitution, and of all human affairs.

Diftinguished reprefentatives! Happy people! immutably happy, while wor

THILY REPRESENTED!

As the fathers of the feveral families, throughout the kingdom, nearly and tenderly comprize and represent the perfons, cares, and concerns, of their respective households; fo thefe adopted fathers immediately reprefent, and intimately concentrate, the perfons and concerns of their refpective conftituents, and in them the collective body or fum of the nation. And while these fathers continue true to their adopting children, a fingle ftone Z 2

cannot

cannot lapfe from the GREAT FABRIC OF

THE CONSTITUTION.

The THREE ESTATES, in

W

PARLIAMENT.

ITH the king, lords, and commons, in parliament assembled, the people have deposited their legislative cr abfolute power, IN TRUST, for their whole body; the faid king, lords, and commons, when fo affembled, being the great representative of the whole nation,, as if all the people were then convened in one general affembly.

As the inftitution, repeal, and amendment of laws, together with the redrefs: of public grievances and offences, are not within the capacity of any of the three eftates diftinct from the others; the FREQUENT HOLDING OF PARLIAMENTS is the vital food, without which the conftitu tution cannot fubfift..

The three eftates originally, when affembled in parliament, fat together confulting in the open field. Accordingly at Running Mead, five hundred years ago, king John paffed the great charter (as therein is expreffed) by the advice of the lords fpiritual and temporal, by the advice of

feveral