81.

For by this means it came to pass that Christ, who by the determinate Counsel of God was to die, and by the Prediction of the Prophets was to fuffer in a manner not prescribed by the Law of Mofes, fhould be delivered up to a Foreign Power, and to fuffer Death after the Customs of that Nation to whofe Power he was delivered. The Malice of the obftinate Jews was high to accuse and profecute him, but the Power of the Jews was not fo high as judicially to condemn him. For although the Chief Priefts and the Mark 14. 64. Elders and the Scribes condemned him guilty of death; yet they could not condemn him to die, or pronounce the Sentence of Death upon him, but deJohn 18. 30, livered him up unto Pilate: and when he refusing said unto them, Take ye him, and judge him according to your Law; they immediately returned, It is not lawful for us to put any man to death. The Power of Life and Death was not in any Court of the Jews, but in the Roman Governour alone as fufore the Jews preme; and therefore they answered him, it was not lawful: not in reanswered that fpect of the Law of Mofes, which gave them both fufficient Power and abfolute Command to punish divers Offenders with Death; but in relation to the Roman Empire, which had taken all that Dominion from them. Forty Years before the Destruction of Jerufalem the Jews themselves acknowledge that they loft their Power; which is fufficient to fhew that they had it not when our Saviour fuffered and it is as true that they loft it twenty years before, out of their at the Regulation of Archelaus, and the Coming of Coponius the Procurator, with full Power of Life and Death. Wherefore our Saviour was delivered unalthough St. Auguftine to Pilate as the fupreme Judge over the Nation of the Jews, that he might thinks they upon him. thought it not pronounce the Sentence of Death

* I fay there

it was not

lawful for

them to put

any man to death, becaufe that power

was taken

hands. Fer

lawful in re

*

:

Spect of the Paffover, Intelligendum eft eos dixiffe, non fibi licere interficere quenquam, propter diei festi sanctitatem, quem celebrare jam coeperant, Tract. 14. in Joan. and S. Cyril be of the fame Opinion; yet others of the Ancients deliver the true caufe why they apply themselves to Pilate, to be their want of power; as Ammonius most exprefly, Τένῳ ἕνεκεν αὐτὸν ἐκ ἀνεῖλον ἀλλ' ἐπὶ τ Πιλάτον ἤγαίον; μάλισα μὲ τὸ πολὺ τ' ἀρχῆς αὐτῷ καὶ τὰ ἐξεσίας ὑπελέμνετο, λοιπὸν ὑπὸ Ρωμαίος ο πραγμάτων κειμθύων· and upon thefe words in s. John, Ὡς ἐκπεσόν] ε ἀρχῆς, ἦσαν γδ ὑπὸ Ρωμαίος· εἶπον τότο. So Theophylact. "Αγεσιν αὐτὸν εἰς τὸ προσιώριον, οι δ' είχον αὐτοὶ ἐξασίαν ἀνελεῖν, ἅτε τ' πραγμάτων του Ρω maiss nesplan and before him S. Chryfoftome.

But how this Judge could be perfuaded to an Act of fo much Injustice and Impiety, is not yet eafie to be feen. The numerous Controverfies of the Religion of the Jews did not concern the Roman Governours, nor were they moved with the frequent Quarrels arifing from the different Sects. Pilate Matth.27.18. knew well it was for Envy that the Chief Priests delivered him; and when Luke 23. 14, he had examined him, he found no fault touching those things whereof they accufed him. Three times did he challenge the Nation of the Jews, Why? what Evil hath be done? Three times did he make that clear Profeffion, I have found no Caufe of Death in him. His own Wife, admonished in a Matth.27.19. Dream, fent unto him, faying, Have thou nothing to do with that fuft John 19. 7,8. Man: and when he heard that he made himself the Son of God, he was more afraid: and yet notwithstanding thefe Apprehenfions and Profeffions, he condemned and crucified him.

22.

tifieth of

Here we must look upon the Nature and Difpofition of Pilate, which incliSo Philo te ned and betrayed him to fo foul an Act. He was a man of an* high, rough, unhim: 8 tractable and irreconcileable Spirit, as he is described by the Jews, and appearCuri anau- eth from the beginning of his Government, when he brought the Bucklers fampt with the Pictures of Cafar into Jerufalem, (which was an AbominaAix de Le- tion to the Jews,) and could neither be moved by the Blood of many, nor gat. ad Cai perfuaded by the most humble Applications and fubmifs Entreaties of the gain: Oia & Whole Nation, to remove them, till he received a fharp Reprehenfion and bras fevere Command from the Emperour Tiberius. After that, he seized on the Bagulang. Corban, that facred Treafury, and fpent it upon an Aqueduct: nor could all their religious and importunate Petitions divert his Intentions, but his Refo

um.

And a

*

lution

lution went through their Blood to bring in Water. When the Galilæans came up to Jerufalem to worship God at his own Temple, he mingled Luke 13. 1. their Blood with their facrifices. Add to this untractable and irreconcilable Spirit, by which he had fo often exafperated the Jews, an avaricious and rapacious Difpofition, which prompted him as much to please them, and we may easily perceive what moved him to condemn that Perfon to death whom he declared innocent. The Evangelift telleth us that Pilate, willing to content the people, released Barabbas unto them, and Mark 15. 15. delivered Jefus to be crucified. They accufed him at Rome for all the

a

a Infolencies and Rapines which he had committed, and by this Act he For that thought to pacifie them.

which is ob

ferved by Phi

lo upon the dedication of the Shields at the first entrance into his Government, must needs be much more true at this time of our Saviour's Paffion, when he had committed fo many Infolencies, viz. that he feared the Jews fhould complain of him to Tiberius. Τὸ τελούταίον τᾶτο μάλιςα αὐτὸν ἐξεβράχεινε· καταδείσαντα μὴ τῷ ὄντι πρεσβευσάμινοι καὶ τὰ ἄλλης αὐτὸ ἐπιτροπῆς ἐξελέγξωσι τὰς ὕβρεις, τὰς ἁρπαγάς, τὰς αἰκίας, τὰς ἐπηρείας, τὰς ἀκρίτες καὶ ἐπαλλήας φόνος, τ' ἀντώνιον καὶ ἀργαλεωτάτω aμórnlα dieğeλbóvle. de Legat. ad Caium.

C

lum tradide

runt, etiam

tio Pilato ge

velut vaga &

It was thus neceffary to exprefs the Perfon under whom our Saviour fuffered, First, that we might for ever be affured of the Time in which he ↳ Cautiffimè fuffered. The Enemies of Christianity began first to unfettle the Time of qui Symbohis Paffion, that thereby they might at last deny the Paffion it felf; and the rest of their Falfhood was detected by the Discovery of their falfe Chro- tempus quo nology. Some fixed it to the seventh Year of the Reign of Tiberius, where- hæc fub Ponas it is certain Pontius Pilate was not then Procurator in Judæa; and as fta funt defigcertain that our Saviour was baptized eight Years after, in the fifteenth narunt, ne ex Year of the Reign of Tiberius Cafar. Some of the Jews, left the Destruction aliqua parte of Jerufalem might feem to follow upon, and for our Saviour's Crucifixion, incerta geitohave removed it near Threefcore Years more backward yet, placing his rum traditio Death in the Beginning of Herod's Reign, who was not born till toward Ruffinus in the Death of the fame King. Others have removed it farther yet near Expof. Symb. & Twenty Years, and fo vainly tell us how he died under Ariftobulus, above Fifty Years before his Birth in Bethlehem. This they do teach their qui fub PonProfelytes, to this end, that they may not believe fo much as the leaft Hi- tio Pilato crustorical part of the bleffed Evangelifts. As therefore they deny the Time of our Saviour's Paffion, in Defign to deftroy his Doctrine; fo, that we might establish the Subftance of the Gofpel depending on his Death, it was neceffary we should retain a perfect Remembrance of the Time in which

vacillaret.

Credimus ita

que in eum

cifixus eft & fepultus. Addendum enim

erat Judicis nomen propter temporum cognitio

nem. S. Aug. de Fide & Symb. Pilatus Judex erat in illo tempore ab Imperatore pofitus in Judæa, fub quo Dominus paffus eft; cujus mentio ad temporis fignificationem, non ad perfonæ illius pertinet dignitatem. Serm. 131. de Tempore. Irenæus fpeaking of S. Paul, Evangelizabat Filium Dei Chriftum Jefum, qui fub Pontio Pilato crucifixus eft. 1. 5. c. 12. And to make the more certain character of time, Ignatius added to the name of Pilate that of Herod: 'Aλnθῶς ἐπὶ Ποιίε Πιλάτε καὶ Ἡρώδη τετράρχες καθηλωμθρον ύπερ ἡμῶν ἐκ σαρκὶ. Εpift. ad Smyrn. So Eufebius detected Some of thofe which lived not long before him, Οὐκ ἂν σαφῶς ἀπιλήλεγκἢ τὸ πλάσμα τῶν καὶ τὸ Σωτῆρῷ ἡμῶν ὑπομνή μαλα χθες και πρώην Διαδεδωκότων, ἐν οἷς πρῶτον αὐτὸς ὁ δὲ προσημειώσεως χρόνος τῶν πεπλακότων ἀπελέγχει τὸ ψεῦδος; Hift. Ecclef. l. 1. c. 9. Δ'Ἐπὶ ε τελάρλης δ ̓ ἂν ὑπαλείας Τιβερία, ἢ γέγονεν ἔτας ἑβδόμα ο βασιλείας αὐτός, τὰ περὶ τὸ σω τήριον αὐτοῖς πάθος τολμηθέντα πριέχει, καθ ̓ ὃν δείκνυ) χρόνον μηδ' ἐπισάς πω τῇ Ἰσδαία Πιλάτος· Eufeb. Eccl. Hift. L. I. C. IO. e Luke 3. 1. f Divers of the Jews place the Paffion of Chrift in the year of their account 3724, which is 69 years before our common account of the year in which he suffered. This Invention of their own, grounded upon no foundation, and backed with not so much as the leaft probability, they deliver as a Tradition among them, continued in this Rythm,

בשנת גי אלפים תש"כר חנצרי בלכר ובשנת תק-לב בעץ נצלב

i. e. In the year 3724 he of Nazareth was taken,

And in the year 532 he was crucified on a Tree.

g Others

Not that they thought taken in one year, and crucified in another; but these two unequal numbers fignifie the fame year, the leffer number being a period of years which feven times numbred equalleth the greater. So that their meaning is, that after seven periods confifting of 532 years, in the year of the world 3724, Jefus of Nazareth was crucified. of the Jews pretend another account, viz. that Jefus was born in the year 3691, which was the fourth of Jannæus, and crucified in the year 370, which was the third of Ariftobulus; making him the Difciple of R. Jofuah the Son of Perachiah, he

.vide Sepher Juchafin יהושע בן פרחיה שרחפו לישו בשתי ידים כרבי,according to that ufuat Phrafe of their s

h Nota quòd in Pilato &

num confi

he died. Nor need we be ashamed that the Christian Religion which we profefs, fhould have so known an Epocha, and fo late an Ŏriginal. Christ came not into the World in the Beginning of it, but in the fulness of Time.

Secondly, It was thought neceffary to include the Name of Pilate in our Creed, as of one who gave a moft powerful external Teftimony to uxore cjus, the Certainty of our Saviour's Death, and the Innocency of his Life. He juftum Domidid not only profefs, to the Condemnation of the Jews, that he found notentibus Gen- thing worthy of Death in Chrift; but left the fame written to the Gentiles tilis populi of the Roman Empire. Two ways he is related to have given moft amteilimonium temple Testimony to the Truth: Firft, by an Exprefs written to Tiberius, in Matth. 27. and by him presented to the Senate; Secondly, by Records written in That Pontius Tables of all things of moment which were acted in his Government.

Pila wrote

unto Tibe

rius of the death and refurrection of our Saviour, is teftified by Tertullian, who was beft acquainted with the Roman Hiftory: Ea omnia fuper Chrifto Pilatus & ipfe jam pro fua confcientia Chriftianus, Cæfari tum Tiberio renunciavit. Apolog. c. 21. And again: Tiberius ergo, cujus tempore nomen Chriftianum in feculum introivit, annunciatum fibi ex Syria Palæstina, quæ veritatem illius (Chrifti) divinitatis revelârat, detulit ad Senatum cum prærogativa fuffragii fui. cap. 5. This is related by Eufebius out of Tertullian in his Ecclefiaftical Hiftory, l. 2. c. 2. and referred to the two and twentieth year of Tiberius in his Chron. Pilato de Chriftianorum dogmate ad Tiberium referente, Tiberius retulit ad Senatum, ut inter cætera facra reciperetur. The Authority of this Express is grounded on the great Reputation of Tertullian, (as is obferved alfo by the Author of the Chronicon Alexandrinum, who concludes the Relation with thefe Words, as isoge Teglxxxvòs o Puai,) and the general Custom by which all the Governors of the Provintes did give account into ihe Emperor of all fuch paffages as were moft remarkable: παλαις κεκρα]ηκότων ἔθες τοῖς ἢ ἐθνῶν ἄρχεσι τὰ πάς Φισι καινοτομέμθρα της 7 βασίλειον ἀρχὼ ἐπικρατέντι σημαίνειν, ως μηδὲν αὐτὸν Διαδιδράσκοι 7 γινομθύων. Eufeb. Ecclef. Fift 1. 2. c. 2. The ancient Romans were defirous to preserve the memory of all remarkable passages which happened in the City: and this was done either in their Acta Senatûs, or Acta diurna populi; which were diligently made and kepr at Rome. In the fame manner the Governours in the Provinces took care that all things worthy of remark should be written in publick Tables, and preferved as the Acta in their Government. And agreeably to this Custom Pontius Pilate kept the Memoirs of the Jewish Affairs, which were therefore called Acta Pilati, in which an account was given of our Bieffed Saviour; and the Primitive Chriftians did appeal unto them in their Disputes with the Gentiles, as to a most undoubted Tefimony. Juftin Martyr urged them even unto the Roman Emperors: Καὶ ταῦτα ὅτι γέγονε, διώασε μεθεῖν ἐκ τ ἐπὶ Πουλία Πιλάτε λυομβρίων "Ακλων And again : Ὅτι ἢ ταῦτα ἐποίησεν, εκ τ' ἐπὶ Ποντία Πιλάτες θρομβρίων Ακίων μαθεῖν διύαθε. Apol. 2. And in the Differences between the Chriftians, they were cited by both Parties. As the Teffarefdecatite alledged them for their Cuftom of the Obfervance of Eafter, as Epiphanius teftifieth of them: &i "Ax7wy dýber Пiλáty χὅτι *' ἀκρίβειαν ευρηκέναι, εν οἷς ἐμφέρει, τῇ πρὸ ὀκτὼ καλανδῶν ̓Απριλίων το Σωτήρα πεπονθέναι. And Epiphanius ur

geth the fame Acta against them, but according to other Copies: "ET15 dewy avlijepa in (lege "Ax7wv) Mikáty, v οἷς ζημαίες, πρὸ δεκαπέντε καλανδῶν ̓Απριλίων τὸ πάθω γελας. Hærel. 5o. Though the Author of the eighth Homily in Pafcha, under the Name of St. Chryfoftome, agreeth in this reading with the Teffarefdecatitæ: xejn xat' dv izαδεν ὁ Σωτὴς ἐκ ἠγνόη· τὰ γδ υπομνήματα τὰ ὑπὸ Πιλάτες πραχθέντα καὶ τ προθεσμίαν πες ἔχει τὸ Πάχα· ισορ γεν ὅτι τὰ T 9 onlar naravdav Aπerxíav izade, o Zarne. Tom. 5. p. 942. These were also mentioned in the Acta S. Tarachi, Probi & Andronici, cap. 9. Præfes dixit, Inique, non fcis, quem invocas, Chriftum, hominem quidem fuiffe factum, fub cuftodia Pontii Pilati & punitum, cujus exftant Acta Paffionis? Thefe Acta in the time of Maximinus were adulterated, and filled with many Blafphemies against our Saviour; as appears by Eufebius, Hift. Ecclef. l. 1. c. 9. in v Capus arentney) Tò πλάσματα και το Σωτήρα ἡμῶν ὑπομνήματα χθες η πρώτου Διαδεδωκότων; 1. 9. τ. 5. Πλασάρθριοι δῆτα Πιλάτε και το Σωτήρα ἡμῶν ὑπομνήματα πάσης ἔμπλια και το Χριςό βλασφημίας γνώμη το μείζονα ἐπὶ πᾶσαν Διαπέμπον ἢ ὑπ' αὐτὸν ἀρχι

Thirdly, It behoved us to take notice of the Roman Governour in the Expreffion of our Saviour's Paffion, that thereby we might understand how it came to pass that Chrift fhould fuffer according to the Scriptures. The Prophets had foretold his Death, but after fuch a manner as was not to be performed by the Jews, according to whofe Law and Custom no Man among them ever fo died. Being then fo great a Prophet could not die but in Jerufalem, being the Death he was to fuffer was not agreeable to the Laws and Customs of the Jews; it was neceffary a Roman Governour should condemn him, that fo the Counsel of the Will of God might be fulfilled, by the Malice of the one, and the Customs of the other.

And now the Advantage of this Circumstance is discovered, every one may express the Importance of it in this manner. I am fully perfuaded of this Truth as beyond all Poffibility of Contradiction, that in the Fulness of Time God fent his Son, and that the Eternal Son of God fo fent by him, did fuffer for the Sins of Men, after the fifteenth Year of Tiberius the Roman Emperour, and before his Death, in the Time of Pontius Pilate the Cæfarean Procu

rator

rator of Judea; who to please the Nation of the Jews, did condemn him whom he pronounced innocent, and delivered him, according to the Cuftom of that Empire, and in order to the fulfilling of the Prophecies, to die a painful and fhameful death upon the Crofs. And thus I believe in Christ that Juffered under Pontius Pilate.

Was Crucified.

Rom the general confideration of our Saviour's Paffion, we proceed to the most remarkable particular, his Crucifixion, standing between his Paffion, which it concludeth, and his Death, which it introduceth. For the explica tion whereof it will be neceffary, firft, to prove that the promised Meffias was to be crucified, that he which was defigned to die for our fins, was to fufupon the Crofs; fecondly, to fhew that our Jefus, whom we worship, was certainly and truly crucified, and did fuffer, whatsoever was foretold, upon the Crofs; thirdly, to discover what is the nature of Crucifixion, what peculiarities of fuffering are contained in dying on the Crofs.

fer

That the Meffias was to be crucified, appeareth both by Types which did apparently forefhew it, and by the Prophecies which did plainly foretel it. For though all those Representations and Predictions which the forward * zeal of* The ancient fome ancient Fathers gathered out of the Law and the Prophets cannot be faid Fathers following the to fignifie fo much, yet in many Types was the Crucifixion of Chrift repre- steps of the fented, and by fome Prophecies foretold. This was the true and unremove- Apofles to able ftumbling-block to the Jews, nor could they ever be brought to confefs particulars of the Meffias fhould † die that death upon a Tree to which the Curfe of the our Saviour's Law belonged: and yet we need no other Oracles than fuch as are committed death out of to those Jews, to prove that Chrift was fo to fuffer.

prove

all the

the old Tefta

ment, have

made ufe of thofe Types and Prophecies which did really and truly forefhew it; but together with them, partly out of their own conceptions, partly out of too much credit to the Tranflations, have urged those places which the Jews may most easily evade, and we can produce but with small or no pretence. As for the extending of the hands of Mofes, they conceive it to be a perfect Type; and Barnabas tells us, that the Spirit commanded Mofes that he should make the fimilitude of a Cross λέγε καὶ εἰς καρδίαν Μωσῇ τὸ πνεῦμα, ἵνα ποιήσῃ τύπον ταυρὰ καὶ τὰ μέλλον ο πάχειν ̇ but the Text affures us no more than that Mofes held up his hand, which might be without any fimilitude of a Crofs. And when both were lifted up by Aaron and Hur, the reprefentation is not certain. And yet after Barnabas, Juftin tells us that Mofes reprefented the Crofs, Tas xes ixaligus inteláras and Tertullian calls it habitum Crucis. In the fame manner, with the strange Indian Statue, which is defcribed by Bardifanes as ανδριὰς ἐσῶς ὀρθὸς, ἔχων τας χείρας ἠπλωμβρίας ἐν τύπῳ σαυρό. Porphyr. de Styge. With lefs probability did they gather both the name of Jefus, and the Cross of Chrift, from the fervants of Abraham. Ιῶτα δέκα, Ἦτα ὀκτῶ, ἔχεις Ἰησῶν· ἔτι ἢ σαυρὸς & τι τ ἔμελλεν ἔχειν τ' χάριν, λέγε γδ τις τριακοσίες, δηλοῖ ἐν τῷ μὲ Ἰησῶν ἐν τοῖς δυσὶ γράμμασι, καὶ ἐν ἑνὶ ἢ σαυρόν. Epift. Barn. c. 7. As if I Η food for Jefus, and T for civit H the Cros. And yet Clemens Alex. follows him : Φασὶν ἂν εἶναι τὸ ἢ Κυριακό σημείο τύπου καὶ τὸ χῆμα τριακοσιοσὸν SOXETON, TO 'laтα To HTα Tvoμia Cyμaivery to Calesov. Stromat. 1. 6. As alfo S. Ambrofe; Nam & Abraham 318 duxit ad bellum, & ex innumeris trophæa hoftibus reportavit, fignoque Dominicæ crucis & nominis, &c. Prol. ad 1. 1. de Fide. Eos adfcifcit quos dignos numero fidelium judicavit, qui in Domini noftri Jefu Chrifti Paffione crederent. Trecentos enim T. Græca litera fignificat; decem & octo autem fummum I H exprimit nomen. Id. de Abrah. 1. 1. c. 13. And S. Auguftine of another 300: Quorum numerus, quia trecenti erant fignum infinuat Crucis, propter literam T Græcam, quia ifte numerus fignificatur. And Clemens Alexandrinus again of the 300 cubits in the Ark: Εἰσὶ ἢ οἱ τὲς τριακοσίες πήχεις σύμβολον τῷ Κυριακό (ημεία λέγεσι. Strom. l. 6. Sed ficut ille non multitudine nec virtute legionum, fed jam tum in Sacramento Crucis, cujus figura per literam Græcam T numero trecentorum exprimatur, adverfarios principes debellavit: cujus myfterii virtute trecentis in longum texta cubitis fuperavit Arca diluvium, ut nunc Ecclefia hoc feculum fupernavigat. S. Paulinus Epift. 2. As unlikely a Type did they make Jacob's Ladder. Ego puto Crucem Salvatoris illam effe fcalam quam Jacob vidit, Hieren. Scala ufque ad cœlum attingens Crucis figuram habuit; Dominus innixus fcale, Chriftus crucifixus oftenditur. Aug. Thefe, and many others, by the Writers of the fucceeding Ages were produc'd out of the Old Teftament as Types of the Cross, and may in fome fenfe be applyed to it being otherwise proved, but prove it not. Trypho the Jew, in the Dialogue with Juftin Martyr, when he had

confeffed many of the Chriftian Doctrines, would by no means be brought to this, Ei TiμNG TWG savę wokian & xerτὸν (fubaud. ἴδη) περι μου ἐπικατάρατο ηδός ευρέμπρο αν στο νόμῳ λέγει είναι ώσε προς τέτο ώμίω δυασείς ως ἔχω. And afterwards granting his Paffion, urgeth him to prove his Crucifixion; Hues go d' eis invocar inter duáμsta. So Tertullian defcribes the Jews, negantes paffionem Crucis in Chriftum prædicatam, & argumentantes infuper non effe credendum ut ad id genus mortis expofuerit Deus Filium fuum, quod ipfe dixit, Maledictus omnis homo qui pependit in ligno. Adv. Judaos. c. 10.

A clearer Type can scarce be conceived of the Saviour of the world, in whom all the Nations of the Earth were to be bleffed, than Ifaac was: nor can God the Father, who gave his only-begotten Son, be better expreffed

than

than by that Patriarch in his readiness to facrifice his Son, his only Son Ifaac, whom he loved. Now when that grand Act of Obedience was to be performed, we find Ifaac walking to the Mountain of Moriah with the wood on his fhoulders, and faying, Here is the wood, but where is the facrifice? while in the command of God, and the intention and refolution of Abraham, Isaac is the facrifice, who bears the wood. And the Chrift, who was to be the most perfect Sacrifice, the perfon in whom all Nations were perfectly to be bleffed, could die no other death in which the wood was to be carried; and *This custom being to die upon the Crofs, was, by the formal * custom used in that kind is very confi- of death, certainly to carry it. Therefore Ifaac bearing the wood did fignithe explica- fie Chrift bearing the Crofs.

derable as to

tion of this

Type; and is to be therefore confirmed by the teftimonies of the Ancients, which are most exprefs. Basázen zivá z danpiτων χθονίων κακέργω με ιδόντι σαυρὸν αὐτῷ σημαίνει ἔοικε δ' ὁ σαυρὸς θανάτῳ, και ο μέλλων προσηλώς πρότερον αύτιν βα sad. Artemid. 1. 2. c. 41. Τῷ μ ζώματι 7 κολαζομθύων έκας 7 κακαρίων εκφέρε τ αὐτῷ ἑαυρὸν. Plutarch. De his qui ferò puniuntur. So thefe not long after our Saviour's death. And much before it, Plautus in Carbonario, Patibulum ferat per urbem, deinde affigatur Cruci. This is not only the obfervation of the Chriftians, but the Jews themfelus have referred this Type unto that Cuftom. For upon Gen. 22. 6. And Abraham took the wood of the burnt-offering, and laid it upon Ifaac his Son, the leffer Bereshith hath this note by jylow as a man carries his Cross upon his Shoulders.

When the fiery Serpents bit the Ifraelites, and much people died, MoNumb. 21.9. fes, by the command of God, made a Serpent of Brafs, and put it upon a pole: and it came to pass that if a Serpent had bitten any man, when he beheld the Serpent of Brass, he lived. Now if there were no expreffer promife of the Meffias than the feed of the woman which fhould bruife the Serpent's head: if he were to perform that Promise by the virtue of his Death; if no Death could be fo perfectly reprefented by the hanging on the pole as that of Crucifixion: then was that manifeftly foretold which Chrift John 3. 14. himself informed Nicodemus, As Mofes lifted up the Serpent in the wil The common derness, even fo muft the Son of man be a lifted up.

a

phrafe by

а

which that death was expreffed. In crucem tolli: Paul l. 5. Sentent. Tit. 22, 23, 25. As in the Chaldeep by origination elevatio, by ufe is particularly Crucifixio.

the manner of

C

b

The Pafchal Lamb did plainly typifie that Lamb of God that taketh away the fins of the world; and the preparing of it did not only reprefent the Juftin Mar- Crofs, but the Command or Ordinance of the Paffover did foretel as much. tyr fhews how For while 'tis faid, ye fhall not break a bone thereof, it was thereby intithe roafting of mated, that the Saviour of the world should fuffer that death to which the the Pafchal breaking of the bones belonged, (and that, according to the conftant Custom, was the punishment of Crucifixion) but only in that death fhould by the affixing of a providence of God be fo particularly preferved, as that not one bone of his man upon the thould be touched. And thus the Crucifixion of the Meffias in feveral Types thereby was a was reprefented.

Lamb did represent the

Cross, and

Type of Christ.

d

Το κελόυσοθεν πρόβαλον ἐκεῖνο ὅλον γίνεας, το πάθος τε σαυρὸ δὲ ὁ πάχειν ἔμελλεν ὁ Χρισός Σύμβολον τ· τὸ δ' ἐπλώμθρον προ βαλου, χηματιζόμθμον ὁμοίως τῷ χήματι τα σαυρὸ ὀπλᾶ. Εἰς τὰ ὄρθιον ὀβελίσκω απερνά από το καλωμάτων μερῶν μέχρι σε κεφαλῆς, καὶ εἰς πάλιν κ', τὸ μετάφρενον, ᾧ προσαριών ) και αι χείρες τις προβάτε. Dial. cum Tryphone. Το which Ar noldus Carnotenfis alludeth: In veru Crucis boni odoris affatio excoquat carnalium fenfuum cruditatem, De cœna Domini, commonly attributed to S. Cyprian. Nor is the roafting of this Lamb any far fetch'd figure of the Cross; for other roafting hath been thought a proper resemblance of it; where the body of the thing roafted hath limbs, as a Lamb, there it bears the fimilitude of a proper Cross, with an erect and tranfverfe beam; where the roafted body is only of length and uniform. as a fish, there the resemblance is of a straight and fimple says. As it is reprefented by Hefychius: Exó λοψιν ὡς ὅπλησιν· τὸ γδ παλαιον κακέργος ανεσκολόπιζον οξύνοντες ξύλον α τ ράχεως καὶ τὸ νώτε, καθάπερ τις ἐπιλαμθρας ἰχθὺς ἐπὶ ὀβελίσκων. c Exod. 12. 46. Although indeed it must be confeffed, that the Crurifragium and the Crucifixion were two feveral punishments, and that they ordinarily made the Cross a lingring death: yet because the Law of Mofes did not fuffer the body of a man to hang upon a tree in the night, therefore the Romans, fo far to comply with the Jews, did break the bones of those whom they crucified in Judæa conftantly, whereas in other Countries they did it but occafionally.

Nor was it only thus prefigured and involved in the Typical Refemblances, but also clearly fpoken by the Prophets in their particular and exprefs Predictions. Nor fhall we need the acceffion of any loft or additional

Pro