every candid and liberal mind ought to rejoice in the measures lately taken through the ftates of America, and particularly the late declaration of independence, as it will not only give union and force to the meafures of defence, while they are neceffary, but lay a foundation for the birth of millions, and the future improvement of a great part of the globe. I have only further to obferve, 3. That I am confident the independence of America will, in the end, be to the real advantage of the Island of Great-Britain. Were this even otherwife, it would be a weak argument against the claim of juftice. Why fhould the fecurity or profperity of this vaft country be facrificed to the fuppofed intereft of an inconfiderable spot? But I cannot believe that the mifery and fubjection of any country on earth, is neceffary to the happinefs of another. Blind partiality and felf-interest may reprefent it in this light; but the opinion is delufive, the fuppofition is falfe. The fuccefs and increase of one nation is, or may be, a benefit to every other. It is feldom, indeed, that a people in general can receive and adopt thefe generous fentiments; they are nevertheless perfectly just. It is industry only, and not poffeffions, that makes the ftrength and wealth of a nation ; and this is not hindred, but encouraged, provoked, and rewarded by the industry of others*. But *Sec David Hume's Effay on the jealoufy of trade. But to leave the general principle, or rather to apply it to the cafe of Great-Britain and America: what profit has the former hitherto received from the latter? And what can it reasonably expect for the future? Only its trade, and fuch.. part of that trade as tends to encourage the industry and increase the number of the inhabitants of that Ifland. It will be faid, they intend to raise a large, clear, net revenue upon us, by taxation. It has been fhewn by many, that all the taxes which they could raise, would only serve to feed the infatiable defire of wealth in placemen and penfioners, to increase the influence of the crown, and the corruption of the people. It was by the acquifition of numerous provinces that Rome haftened to its ruin. But even fuppofing it otherwise, and that without any bad confequence among themfelves, they were to acquire a great addition to their yearly revenue, for every fhilling they gained by taxes, they would lose ten in the way of trade. For a trifling addition to the fums of public money to be applied or wafted by ministers of state, they would lose ten times the quantity diftributed among useful manufacturers, the strength and glory of a state. I think this has been fometimes compared to the difference between draughts of spirituous liquors to intoxicate the head or weaken the ftomach, and cool refreshing food to give foundness, health, and vigour to every member of the body. The trade, then, of America, as foon as peace is fettled, will be as open to them as ever. But it will be faid, they have now an exclusive trade, they will then but fhare it with other nations. I anfwer, an exclufive trade is not eafily preferved, and when it is preferved, the restriction is commonly more hurtful than ufeful. Trade is of a nice and delicate nature; it is founded upon intereft it will force its way wherever intereft leads, and can hardly by any art be made to go in another direction. The Spaniards have an exchifive trade, as far as they pleafe to confine it, to their own plantations. Do they reap much benefit from it? I believe not. Has it made their own people more industrious at home? Just the contrary. Does it, in the natural courfe of things, make a people lefs careful to work as well. and as cheap as others, to procure voluntary purchafers, when they know they can fend their goods to those who are obliged to take them? Does it not both tempt and enable great merchants in the capital, to import from other nations what they can export to fuch a forced market, to advantage? By this means a confiderable profit may come into the coffers of a few particulars, while no effential fervice is done to the people, and the ultimate profit is carried to that country where the goods are produced or fabricated. It has been repeatedly faid, by political writers in England, that the balance of trade is against that country to every nation, excepting Portugal, and their own plantations. I will not anfwer anfwer for the truth or univerfality of this affertion; but if it is true in any measure, I will venture to affirm, upon the principles of general reafon, that the caufe which produces it is no other than the exclusive trade they have hitherto enjoyed to the American fettlements.. But the circumftance which I apprehend will contribute moft to the intereft of Great-Britain in American independence is, its influence in peopling and enriching this great continent. It will certainly tend to make the American States numerous, powerful, and opulent, to a degree not eafily conceived. The great and penetrating Montefquieu, in his Spirit of Laws, has fhewn in the clearest manner, that nothing contributes fo much to the prosperity of à people, as the state of fociety among them, and the form of their government. A free government overcomes every obstacle, makes a defart a fruitful field, "and fills a bleak and barren country with all the conveniencies of life. If fo, what must be the operation of this powerful cause upon countries enjoying, in the highest degree, every advantage that can be derived from fituation, climate, and foil? If the trade of America has hitherto been of fo great benefit to England, how much more valuable may it be when these countries fhall be still more highly improved, if the shall continue to enjoy it? This argument is liable to no objection but what may arife from the lofs of an exclufive trade, which I have already confidered. It may be be added, however, that there is not now, nor ever has been, any averfion in the America n to the people of Great-Britain; so that they may be fure of our trade, if they treat us as well as others; and if otherwife, they do not deferve it. I might illuftrate the argument, by ftating the probable confequences of a contrary fuppofition. If Great-Britain should prevail, or overcome the American states, and establish viceroys, with abfolute authority, in every province, all men of spirit and lovers of freedom would certainly withdraw themselves to a corner, if fuch could be found, out of the reach of tyranny and oppreffion. The numbers of the people at any rate would fenfibly decrease, their wealth would be speedily exhaufted, and there would remain only a nominal authority over a defolate country, in return for a - vaft expence laid out in the conquest, and in place of a great and profitable trade, by which both nations were made happy. One of the arguments, if they may be called fo, made ufe of against this country, and on which an obligation to obedience has been founded, is taken from the expence they have been at in blood and treasure for our protection in former wars. This argument has been often anfwered in the fulleft manner; but if they fhall continue to urge it, how fearful to think of the obligations we shall be under, after this war is finished! Then fhall we owe them all the fums which they shall have laid out in fubduing us, and all that we have spent in at |