land. What was the nature of the convention? It embraced three points: 1ft. Free bottoms making free goods: 24. The permiffion to fearch and detain contraband goods: 3d. The nature of blockade. On the two first points various decifions had been pronounced, highly calculated to provoke and irritate the northern powers, particularly fome within the laft three years, in the Weft Indies, which could not be vindicated. It was a little too much, on the mere fgnature of a convention for common protection, at once to commence hoftilities against nations much in jured by this country. Let us look to ourselves for that conduct which we demand from others.We complained of the violent arreft of our veilels by Ruffia, and committed an act as violent and unjuftifiable towards Sweden and Denmark. Rumia, at the commencement of the war, refifted any commerce whatever with France, by any neutral flate. We interfered, and moderated her pretenfions. Let the fame spirit of moderation reftrain the rafhnefs of minifters now." Such was the reasoning of Dr. Lawtence, difpaffionate, moderate, and candid. Mr. Tierney's reafoning on the fame ground, was tinctured with a degree of animofity, and perfonal allution and reflection.The courtry, he said, in conclufion of an animated fpeech, looked up to his majesty's minifters for inquiry; but they were obftinately unwilling to fatisfy its inquiries, and utterly incapable of procuring an honourable peace. He asked the houf to name the part in Europe that repected them, or the enemy that feared them? The only rational motive for carrying on the war longer was to procure a peace, Was

it then to be accounted ftrange that he fhould ask, that the millions raised to defray its expenfes, fhould be put in the hands of a person who knew how to expend them to advantage?-Mr. Sheridan, in allufion to the tranquillity and apparent fatisfaction of the people, noticed, or perhaps we fhould fay alleged, by the mover and feconder of the addrefs, faid, "Sir, I am more alarmed at this unnatural quiet, than I fhould be, if I heard complaints accompanied with even fome tendency to diforder. You have gagged the people, and bound them hand and foot, and then you fay, look how quiet they are. Is there any place but this, where a man may fpeak his fentiments freely? But, the queftion is put, is there any man capable of the meannefs of making fubmiffions to France? Yes, fir, his majefty's minifters, for they have done it. We have heard it afked, whether we could make peace with regicides, and whether a man could be found that would be the bearer of fuch a propofal? Sir, minifters have done it: they have done it three times, after as lofty boasts as any that have been made for them this day."

The amendment was oppofed, and the original motion for an addrefs, fupported by Mr. Pitt, the folicitorgeneral, and Mr. Dundas. Mr. Pitt obferved, that there was but one new queftion before the house, that refpecting our differences with the northern powers. Mr. Pitt recapitulated the reafoning of Mr. Grey on this fubject. Though the honourable gentleman, he faid, feemed difpofed to entertain doubts on points, on which there was hardly any other man, he believed, to be found in this country, on which no

[E2]

other

other man could hefitate for a moment, yet there were other points on which his mind appeared to be free from doubt, and his opinion completely decided. If, after a full difcuffion of this fubject, it should appear that the claim which this country had made, was founded on the cleareft and moft indifputable juftice; if it should be proved that our greatnefs, nay, our very exiftence as a nation, depended on our poffeffing and exercifing the right of fearching neutral veffels, the honourable gentleman was prepared ferioufly to declare in that houfe, that fuch were the circumftances in which we flood, that we ought, publicly and explicitly, to ftate to the world, that we were unequal to the conteft. This, faid Mr. Pitt, is the conduct which Mr. Grey advises us to purfue at once, without determining, without inveftigating, whether it be compatible with our fafety. He really found much difficulty in reconciling this language to that fort of fpirit, which the honourable gentleman had talked of in another part of his fpeech, in which he faid, that he was far from withing to make the country defpond. Mr. Grey here faid, that he had been mifunderstood.-Mr. Pitt replied, that he was stating what the honourable gentleman had faid, and that he should be happy to find that he did not mean what he faid. Mr. Pitt, after other ftrictures on the fpeech of Mr. Grey, proceeded. "I believe," faid he, "I may fafely affert, that it never occurred to any one member of this houfe to increase the difficulties of this country, by starting a doubt on the queftion of right; and it will be a moft fingular circumstance, that the honour able gentleman and his friends fhould only have begun to doubt where

our enemies were ready to begin to combat." There were two ways, Mr. Pitt obferved, in which the prefent fubject was to be confidered. The firft was, what had been the general law of nations thereon, independent of any particular treaties; the fcond, how far it was affected by any precife treaties with the particular powers who were the objects of the prefent difpute. With refpect to the law of nations, the principle on which we were now acting, had been univerfally admitted and acted upon, except in cafes where it had been reftrained and modified by particular treaties be tween different ftates. And here, he obferved, that the honourable gentleman had fallen into the fame error which conftituted the great fallacy in the reafoning of the advocates for the northern powers, namely, that every exception from the general law by a particular treaty, proves the law to be as it is stated in that particular treaty; whereas, the very circumftance of making an exception by treaty, proves what the general law of nations would be, if no particular treaty were made to modify or alter it. With regard to particular treaties with particular powers, Mr. Pitt fhewed, that, with every one of the three northern powers, with whom we were at prefent in difpute, independently of the law of nations, of our uniform practice, and of the opinions of our courts, we had the ftric letter of engagements whereby they were bound to us; and that their prefent conduct to us was as much a violation of pofitive treaties with us, as it was of the law of nations. So, much for the queftion of right, on which Mr. Grey entertained doubts. Mr. Pitt came now to the queftion of expedience, concerning

which, he seemed to be in no doubt. This question, he faid, was, whether we were to permit the navy of our enemy to be fupplied and recruited? whether we were to fuffer blockaded forts to be furnished with ftores and provifions? whether we were to fuffer neutral nations, by boifting a flag on a floop or a filing-boat, to convey the treasures of South America to Spain, or the naval ftores of the Baltic to Breft or Toulon? Were thefe the propofitions that gentlemen meant to contend for? They talked of the deftruction of the naval power of France; but could it really be believed, that her marine would have been decreased to the degree that it now was reduced, if, during the whole of the war, the principle now contended for had not been acted en? If her commerce had not been deftroyed, if the fraudulent fyftem of neutrals had not been prevented, would not her navy have been in a very different fituation from that in which it now was?

As to what had been faid on other topics, of the cenfures which ought to be caft on minifters for the counfel they had any Jhare in giving for the profecution of the war, he had the confolation of knowing what thefe were likely to be, from a recollection of what they had repeatedly been. They would moft probably be put in the fame way, and would admit of being anfwered in the fame way as they had already been anfwered, as often as they had been brought forward.

The Solicitor-general obferved, that the honourable mover of the amendment had told the houfe that they were in a situation of difficulty and danger, which required vigour, exertion, and promptitude; yet,

that he propofed doubt, hesitation, and inquiry. He was really amazed, when he reflected on the origin and progrefs of thofe doubts, which now feemed to exift, refpecting the queftion in difpute between this country and the nations of the north. Before the confederacy recently concluded between Ruffia, Sweden, and Denmark, was actually executed, no man in that houfe, he was fully certain, had the fubject been brought into difcuffion, would have uttered a doubt upon it. The doubts of Mr. Grey, he apprehended, were not the effect of inveftigation or calm inquiry. They were offered merely as an argument againft the addrefs, and fuggefted by his fears; a fpecies of reafoning that was calculated to produce indecifion, to throw a dainp on the fpirit of the country, and to encourage the hopes of our enemies — The hesitation he recommended, would be a victory to the coalefced powers, as it would give them time and opportunity to collect and invigorate the means necessary to maintain their unjust and extraordinary pretenfions. His learned friend (Dr. Lawrence) seemed to him to have much mistaken the tenor and purport of the addrefs. We must not, faid the learned doctor, pledge ourfelves to fupport his majefty in a fyftem of warfare, into which there is, perhaps, no abfolute neceflity to enter; but the addrefs required no fuch pledge: it merely ftated the readinefs of the houfe to co-operate with his majefty in defending our claims, fhould the northern powers perfift in their plans of aggreffion. His honourable friend would not recommend a pufillanimous furrender of a right, fo effential to our exiftence as a maritime ftate, from any confideration of circumstances. [E 3]

Never

Never had a cafe occurred, in which, by act or treaty, we had abandoned the claim of fearching neutral bottoms for enemies property. By the exifting treaties between this country and the ftates of Denmark and Sweden, it would be fraud in them to convey enemies goods; but the convention which Denmark avowed to have figned, afferted that right: this, therefore, was a departure from treaty, and an act of hoftility. The convention allowed, indeed, the right of fearch, and confifcation of what was called contraband goods, though the advocates of that convention contended against any search whatever; but the folicitor-general contended, that if we should confent to any modification of our rights, the next step of the powers engaged in that convention, in obedience to the advice of their philofophical advocates, would be to infift, that all kinds of property on board merchant-fhips, fhould be protected from detention, and free from fearch. The whole of that pretenfion would be moft affuredly advanced, for the prefent diftinction of contraband was artificial. There was no fuch diftinction, correctly fpeaking. All articles defigned for, and conducive to, the advantage of our enemy, were inadmisible to be freely conveyed, and therefore contraband. If prepofterous diftinctions between one kind of goods and another were once admitted, the next ftep would be, that we could not take our enemies goods. It would be contended, that the intercourfe of merchants ought not, on any account, to be interrupted. Against whom, then," faid the folicitor, are we to make war? Why, against a metaphyfical being called the ftate, as if the ftate were

any thing but the aggregate of the people." We attack their property, in order to reduce the refources of the fiate, which derives from them all its vigour. And if it was allowed that we have a right to capture the enemy's property at all, why fhould that right be done away, and the property be protected, becaufe it was enclosed in a piece of wood? On the interpretation of that prin ciple, Grotius did not conceive it poffible that there fhould arife any doubt. Dr. Lawrence had faid, that, if the northern powers had entered into a confederacy againft England, they had received much provocation. If fuch cafes of grievance had been introduced into the inferior courts, the parties could have been redressed by an appeal to the proper tribunal, They had the fecurity of the British character for a ftrictly upright and fair decifion; but, whatever that de cifion might have been, no nation would be juftified in arming, in confequence of the decree of an admiralty court, without previous appli cation to the ftate by whom that court was appointed. As to the policy of our miniftry in not directly refifting, but for a time giving way to the combination of 1780, we now felt the ill effects of that policy. A fimilar compromife of our rights would, perhaps, expofe us to fome ftill greater evil on a future day. Had the pretenfion of the armed neutrality been refifted then, we fhould not now be difturbed by the repetition of it; but, he admitted, that the circumfiances of the country in 1780 were different from what they are now.

With regard to the exemption of convoys, he confidered this as an abfurdity. The faith of a fiate might be pledged that no enemy's goods

were

were on board; but that could not be pledged. When a ftate granted paports, it could only take the affidavits of the parties. The captor, in his fearch, might find many articles not specified in thofe affidavits. The papers the captain muft have on board, defcribing the goods on board, and the deftination of the fhip, might enable the captor to come at particulars, feldom communicated to the ftate which granted the passports, therefore a convoy ought to be no protection. As to plunging into war precipitately, deprecated by his learned friend, adminiftration had not been forward to take hoftile measures, not until an application to the northern courts had produced an explicit avowal of their purpofes. So foon as we underftood that a convention was figned, which we had every reafon to think hoftile to our rights and in terefts, we had put ourfelves in a poffure to be prepared against the confequences-confequences which were pointed at our maritime fuperiority and existence (long the favourite and avowed object of French ambition), and, of course, against our national existence: against fuch confequences we had put ourselves in a polture to be prepared. We were only guarding ourselves against the determinations we had obferved. The pretenfions of the northern confederacy might not be pushed to the extent apprehended; if fo, hoftilities would not enfue: at all events, measures ought to be taken for fecurity.

The folicitor-general having thus eftablished the juftice of our claims, and the neceffity of afferting and maintaining them, thought it neceffary, before he fat down, to make fame obfervations on the general

tone and tendency of the speech, by which the amendment was introduced. Among other ftrictures, he' afked, whether we ought, deliberately, to lay plans for fruftrating our own hopes? To labour to dilhearten and difunite thofe on whose union and courage our fafety wholly depended? What could gentlemen propofe or promife to themfelves, by holding out to view the moft gloomy and exaggerated pictures of our fituation? What could be their aim in this ftrange difplay and application of their eloquence? Could the reputation of being thought clever outweigh all regard to their stake in the ftate? Suppofing that they fhould completely fucceed in perfuading the people to diftruft their government, their ftrength, and their refources, and to admire and dread the enemy with whom we had to contend, what advance would they' have made towards bettering our condition, towards increafing our ftrength, and improving our fecurity? Were gentlemen afraid that we should be led, by a generous enthufiafm, to exert ourfelves in the public caufe, beyond what might be perfectly confiftent with our individual interefts? Was that fo much the bent and temper of mankind, that prudent philofophers thought it necessary to interpole their falutary admonitions, left a disinterested public fpirit should acquire too pow erful an afcendant? Was it for that purpose that honourable gentlemen thought themfelves called upon, in policy and in prudence, to endeavour to draw off the attention of a large portion of the people from the dangers that threatened their country, to the evils that threatened themfeives? "I do not fee," faid the folicitor, "how, by dipicting those [E4]

evils