condition, that cause is, that the corruption is promoted, by being largely shared by their white superiors. This is the unanimous testimony. But to think, that these superiors should be looking down with sovereign contempt on them as vile and debased, and yet join them on the level of that debasement, and think never the more meanly of themselves! It is as if by a judicial retribution, men could not inflict degradation without incurring it, and, at the same time, a depraved insensibility of it in themselves!

We are representing that the state of utter slavery necessarily causes a wretched moral degradation. It would do so by the simple principle and fact of slavery distinctly considered. But how dreadfully its pernicious operation is augmented by the necessary part or adjunct of slaverythat its subjects must be kept in deep ignorance-destitute of efficient moral instruction, and of religious truth-in a state substantially of gross heathenism, in which the master's menaces and lash hold the places of the decalogue and the gospel! We said, "a necessary part or adjunct;" and this consideration crowns the whole estimate of the matter this necessity inseparable from slavery-the case being plainly thus, that slavery and a moderate degree of moral and religious knowledge absolutely cannot co-exist. The party interested to oppose, are not mistaken when they apprehend that such improvement would blow their whole system up.

But then, whatever might be the dictate of commercial policy, is it to be seriously made a question in England whether a branch of trade should be hazarded, or the temporal, moral and religious welfare of a vast population sacrificed? Now it is against the continuance of such a system of iniquity that we and our fellow countrymen are called upon to raise a protesting voice. In order, both that each may acquit himself of any guilt of acquiescence

in it, and that the united force of the general voice may accomplish its abolition.-Not its abrupt unprepared-for abolition, (we need not say,) but an effectual process to that end, to be adopted really, honestly, and in earnest. To obtain the abolition of the slave trade, cost an exertion of the public mind, and an almost preternatural one of many excellent individuals, for almost twenty years; during which, reflect what legions of the victims were suffering and perishing! Reflect too, what portion of the divine judgments the while, on our nation, might be owing to this very cause. We will hope that far less time will suffice for this latter and concluding stage of the great work.

Very naturally and inevitably, some thoughts and questions, partaking of wonder and indignation will arise. Why is all this protracted exertion of the popular mind necessary-such associations and meetings-such discussions, representations, remonstrances, petitions, one year after another, against a palpable and horrid iniquity? Why not a speedy and decisive decree, and exertion of power, in the quarter where the presiding wisdom and authority are placed ? Whatever may be the answer to such questions, the answer to one more will be thought obvious enough, that is,-Will this great work ever be effected unless there be a strong and zealous movement and manifestation of the general mind? The answer is made evident enough by the fact, that nothing to the purpose has been done during nearly another twenty years, since the abolition of the trade. The only consolation for this opprobrious slowness of success in a great moral and Christian exertion is, that it causes a prolonged exercise and cultivation of the reason and the right principles of the community. But this is no consolation to the victims of injustice who are continuing to suffer, passing through

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their wretched mortal existence, and ending it, and no amendment!

As in the former period, so again the exertion for humanity and justice will be encountered and impeded by an old, partial, selfish policy. But we hope that the more liberal notions of commercial policy, which are beginning to prevail, will co-operate with justice and Christian principle to bear down the opposition. But there are other points affecting the policy. Can one million of the black race be long kept in absolute subjection, while in their neighbourhood there are many millions of them who have asserted or obtained liberty, in St. Domingo, and the South American republics? And if in their ignorant, barbarous, demoralized state, this great mass should be moved and aided to general revolt, what will then be the fate of their masters and oppressors? Of what kind will be the re-action of uncultivated beings bearing on their bodies, indelibly marked and ploughed, the mementos of their oppressions? And as a consideration for humanity, what would be the consequences to themselves, of such a revolution ?

Add to all this in the last place, the present crisis of the world. A monstrous "league and covenant" has been formed to overwhelm the liberties of all mankind. Our country professes to abhor and protest against this hideous. enormity. But what is it that our country meanwhile is doing, but acting on the same principles, with respect to the African race, in the West Indies? Is it that we think the colour of the skin the grand point of distinction between rights and no rights? Suppose the African race to adopt the same rule (they have the same right) with respect to any colonies of white men in their neighbourhood whom they could master? Or do we think we purchase the right to act on an atrocious principle of tyranny at the cheap price of theoretically protesting against it? In this great

crisis of the times, and of liberty, and justice, what a worthy thing it would be for England to give a noble practical demonstration, that here at least is one state which has not only a theory, but a conscience-one, at all events, that is a friend and vindicator of justice and human happiness-that from the most prevailing profession of Christianity, the greatest actual righteousness is inseparable. And if there be a righteous Governor in the world, a presiding and retributive Providence,-what consequences may be expected, to the one course of national conduct or to the other?

May 7th, 1823.

LECTURE XXXI.

THE REDEMPTION OF TIME.

EPHESIANS V. 16.

"Redeeming the time, because the days are evil."

WE propose to take these words for use in a plain and general sense, rather than to fix and limit our attention to the precise idea intended. We might, nevertheless, make very good use, in application to our own condition, of the latter part of the sentence-" because the days are evil.” Whether they be not really so, in some respects, we may appeal to sensible experience; whether they be not so in other respects, we may appeal to reflective thought. As to the testimony of experience,-have not men, generally, a strong, habitual, invincible sense, that the days, in their course, are not, to their experience, such as they could desire? Possibly, this is not the case with some gay elastic spirits, in youth, high health, and full prosperity. But, what is the far more common, the general experience, even when there is nothing particularly and extremely grievous? Is it not a certain sense that the days, as they come and go, might be ever so much happier? that it is hardly with the aspect of friends that they introduce themselves, and that they retire? They lie on the spirit with a certain ungracious weight,-something like a habitual bodily disease, not acutely painful-the direct sense of it sometimes suspended-but with a prevailing consciousness of not being well. "The days are evil." They are felt to be so, on this account, for one thing,-that they are subject to so