premacy of ordinary power." In the same he says, that "the Pope has a right of addressing his doctrinal instructions and ecclesiastical mandates to every portion of the church, and that if they are not opposed by the church at large, they are to be received as coming from Christ." In pages 93 and 97 of the same work, he states the council of Constance, Basil, Trent, and the 2d council of Lyons, to be of infallible authority. The Rev. Dr. Troy, titular archbishop of Dublin, says, in his famous pastoral letter, published in 1793, "The church is infallible in her doctrinal decisions and canons, in points of faith and morals, and therefore the Catholics are obliged to adhere implicitly to such decrees and canons of the church, assembled in general council, and confirmed by the Pope, as articles of faith." He says the same of the decrees and decisions of the Pope, delivered solemnly ex cathedra.

Can we have any stronger criterion of the religious principles of any sect than the opinions of their own divines, thus solemnly delivered, concerning their general councils, of which various editions, published under the immediate sanction of the holy see, are to be found in every public library in Europe; and yet it is not less singular than true, that the English Ronan Catholics, in the year 1789, and the Irish in 1792, publicly declared, that the following doctrines contained in those general councils, never were tenets of their church: the power of the Pope to depose sovereign princes, by absolving subjects from their oaths of allegiance that it is lawful, not only to injure, but to extirpate heretics,

+ Of the innumerable instances of the exercise of these powers by the sovereign pontiffs, the following will be sufficient to prove the falsity of these assertions. Against whom exercised.

Year.

1073 Henry IV. Emperor.

Popes. Gregory VII.

and that no faith is to be kept with them. In corroboration of this evidently false assertion, they produced the opinions of the following universities: Paris, Douay, Louvain, Salamanca, Valladolid, and Alcala. It is astonishing that so enlightened a nation as the British could be deceived by so gross an imposture! *

The Irish Titular Bishops held a synod in Dublin, on the 13th of November 1812, in which they framed an address to the clergy and laity of their order, under seven heads; and in the 3d thereof, they stated," that they consider the answers of six Roman Catholic Universities, relative to the duties of subjects, perfectly conformable to the doctrines and tenets of their religion, and that they adopt them as their own." In my next letter I shall shew the practical effects of the canons of the Romish church stated in this.

Benedict XIII. 1729

Pius VII.

1801

George II. a bull obtained by the titular prelates of Ireland, to dethione bim.t

Lewis XVIII. This bull for confirming Buonaparte on the throne of the Bourbons, was approved of by the titular bishops of Ireland, assembled in syncd at Tullow, the 6th of June 1809, as just, holy, and legitimate; and by the English vicars apostolic also.

The reader will find in Melancthon's 4th letter, Prot. Adv. vol. 1. p. 365, that these identical universities maintained and defended doctrines the very reverse of those set forth in 1789. A curious instance of the versatile policy of the Romish church. M. Quarantotti's Rescript is not the sole instance of inconsistency.-Edit.

The following incidents incontestably prove, that the titular prelates have undoubted influence over the Catholic Board, not only as to their religious, but their political sentiments. On Saturday the 23d of October, 1813, Doctor Sheridan presented to the August Assembly the petition of the Roman Catholics of Ireland; on which Mr. Scully said, that he had the satisfaction to inform them, that every amendment suggested by his Grace the Archbishop of Dublin (Doctor Troy) had been immediately adopted by the committee. He therefore congratulated the Catholics, upon the perfect and cordial approval, by their bishops, of their applications to the legislature. On the 19th of February last, the Board, on the motion of Mr. Dunne, framed a declaration of their religious principles; but Doctor Troy, in a letter to the Board, of 26th February, having condemned it, Mr. Dunne said, that feeling a sincere respect for the archbishop and his colleagues, he would withdraw his motion. (See the Freeman's Journal of the 26th Feb. and the Dublin Evening Post of the 1st March.)

On the 19th of February last, Doctor Dromgole was chosen by the Board a member of the select committee of religion, and the auditory expressed tumultuous joy on his appointment. It is well known, that they would not venture to choose any person as a member of that committee, whose principles were not well known by the titular prelate to be orthodox. In the committee of the Catholics of the county and city of Kilkenny, assembled the 24th March, thanks were unanimously voted to the respected and learned Doctor Dromgole, and approbation of his speech. They also passed a resolution of warm gratitude, and full indemnification, to John Magee, Esq. for his losses and expenses, incurred in his powerful and meritorious support of the Catholic cause, and that a subscription be raised for that purpose.

+ See 4th Volume of the Commons Journals, Appendix 46.

THE

PROTESTANT

ADVOCATE

For NOVEMBER 1814.

"O rescue and assist those poore Protestants in Ireland, whom thou [Lord] hast hi"therto preserved! And lead those in the wayes of thy saving truths, whose igno

rance or errours have filled them with rebellious and destructive principles; which they act under an opinion that they do thee good service."―KING CHARLES I.

SPEECH OF MR. PEEL ON THE SUBJECT OF ORANGE SOCIETIES.-LORD DONOUGHMÓRE'S LETTER.-ADDRESS TO MR. PEEL, WITH HIS ANSWER.

We now fulfil the intention intimated in our last number, p. 21.In the debate in the House of Commons on the 15th of July last, when the House resolved itself into a committee on the Irish seditious meetings' bill, after admitting that "some legislative measure was necessary to restore the peace of Ireland," Sir Henry Parnell made many severe observations on the Orange Societies. He was most ably answered by Mr. Peel. We cannot afford room for the speech of the worthy baronet, but the tenor of it will be clearly understood from the language of the answer; in which Mr. Peel said, after noticing some of the objections made by Sir H. Parnell to the bill under consideration, that "he felt himself called upon to advert to that part of his speech which related to certain associations, existing particularly in the north of Ireland, called Orange Societies.

"He did not rise as the advocate for these societies. It was no part of his duty to defend them, but when they, or any other of his Majesty's subjects, were unfairly aspersed, it was but an act of justice to vindicate them from any charges which were not founded. These societies had existed in Ireland, he believed, since the year 1795, and had always been peculiarly obnoxious, and objects of marked hostility to the factious and disloyal. He was far from saying that none but the factious and disloyal objected to them; and he believed many loyal, moderate, and sensible persons used their influence in discouraging such and similar associations, VOL. III. Prot. Adv. Nov. 1814.]

H

and disapproved of them as tending to create irritation, and to extend and exasperate party feeling; but he would again repeat, that from the loyal principles which they professed, and their firm and determined enmity to the views of the factious and disloyal, to that class of persons they were peculiarly obnoxious; their principles and their proceedings had, therefore, been at various times grossly misrepresented. In the report of the secret committee of the Irish House of Commons in the year 1798, the arts that were used to make the Orange associations the means of exciting in the breasts of the lower class of Catholics the most malignant and vindictive passions, were particularly noticed.-Fabricated rules, prefessing to be the rules of Orangemen, were circulated. The lower order of Catholics were instructed to believe, that one of these rules bound their society "to be ready at a moment's warning to burn all the Roman Catholic chapels, not to wear Irish manufactures, or to give employment to any Papists."

"He could not consider that the honourable baronet's notice of the Orange Societies of Ireland was introduced under very Яattering auspices. It appeared to have originated with a certain assembly called the Catholic Board, and he read an extract from the reported proceedings of that body, (Dennis Scully, Esq. in the chair) from which it appeared that Sir Henry Parnell had written to Mr. Hay, assuring him that he would bring the Orange Societies under the consideration of Parliament. This letter was, by rather a strange coincidence, dated the 12th July, 1813, and notwithstanding all the mischief which the honourable baronet attributed to them, all the irritation of which he supposed them to be the cause, it appeared that the honourable baronet said nothing upon the subject until the 12th of July, 1814, three days after that which was the anniversary of these societies, and on which, if any irritation was excited, it was most likely to arise.

"One word about the petitions which the honourable baronet had presented against the Orange Societies, of which he had boasted as being most numerously and respectably signed, and as expressing the opinions, not of the Catholics, but of the Protestants, Presbyterians, and Catholics indiscriminately; it was but common justice that the truth should be told, that the House should not be imposed upon. When the Protestants of Dublin had presented a petition against concession to the claims of the Roman Catholics, the signatures to it were very rigorously examined; some forgeries were said to be discovered, and every attempt was made to throw odium upon those from whom that petition proceeded;-it will not be unjust, therefore, to inquire a little into petitions of an opposite tendency. He held in his hand a petition which professed to come from

the Protestants and Catholics of Newry, which expressed great abhorrence of Orangemen, and which was stated to be most numerously and respectably signed;-that it was numerously signed he could not deny, but he was not surprised at it, for one individual had felt such virtuous resentment against the Orangemen, that in his own hand-writing he had affixed ninety-eight signatures to the petition. Any person who would examine it would see that the last ninety-eight names were evidently written in the same hand. As for the Protestants, he had shewn the petition to the representative for Newry, General Needham, who could not recognize a Protestant among the subscribers, and although the pame of "Patrick Duigenan" appeared more than once among the signatures, he rather suspected it was signed by proxy.

"He had said thus much, because he thought it was but common justice to any class of his Majesty's subjects, be they who they may, to vindicate them, at least, from unjust imputations. As for the Orange Societies of Ireland, he would rather speak of the individuals wno composed the association than of the association itself. He was no great friend to any associations, (in any way of a political character,) which were not under the control of government.

"He believed the individuals who composed the Orange Societies were, generally speaking, as brave and as high spirited, and as loyal a class of men as any in his Majesty's dominions, that they might be safely depended upon in any hour of emergency for the defence of their country, from the danger of external attack or internal disorder. But they should recollect that it was only as individuals their services could be available to the state, that the government could recognise no independent associa tions for the support of the constitution, or any other political object, and that the more that loyalty and courage, which he admitted and admired, were placed under the control and superintendance of govern ment, and under that alone, the more effectual would they be in support of the constitution, and in the preservation of the public peace.

"If the injured party could not afford the expense of prosecution, the government would undertake it at the public charge, and would see that the ends of public justice were not defeated.—There is no merit in this; in stating it, he was only repelling false and unmerited accusations, and not claiming any credit for the government.

"He thought it hardly necessary to vindicate the government from that most unfounded charge, that justice was not impartially administered to all classes of his Majesty's subjects. He claimed no credit for the government for it—it would be a gross dereliction of their duty if they suffered the administration of justice to be swayed and corrupted by the in