John Redinger,

Wm. J. Leiper, 4252 Southwark,
William Stewart, 4249 Moyamensing,
Henry Simpson, 4213 Passyunk,

Blockley,

Kingsessing,

Penn Township,

Germantown,

Roxborough,

Bristol,

240

NORTHERN LIBERTIES.

COMMISSIONERS.

Thomas Goldsmith, 1930

William Hall,

1768

is so constructed, that the driver, by the mere pulling of a small lever, can lock the wheels of the carriage, on descending a hill, or if the horses attempt to run away. To the end of this lever can be fastened a string reach ing the inside of the stage, which can be pulled by inside 1793 passengers, and the wheels will be locked instantly, in case the driver should be thrown from his seat. The 1839 apparatus is simple in construction, costing less than $15, and is not liable to get out of order.

Edward Wartman, 1807

P. A. Keyser

1505

C. W. Bacon,

1435

Michael Andress,

1463

Enoch Middleton,

1482

Daniel Clark,

1451

Daniel Jeffries,

1454

Joseph Loughead,

1435

Thomas Weaver,

1522

Charles Pray,
George Ireland,
F. Stelwaggon,
George Thorn,
G. Townsend,

Henry Bellerjeau, 1431 John Maguire,

1892

1840
1801
1807

The largest stage load can be managed by two horses in descending the steepest hill with ease; the resistance of the lock being in exact proportion to the pressure of the load. We feel confident, that the enterprising inventor, has not only conferred upon the public, a bene. fit, but that the right will be valuable. Messrs. Colder and Wilson are procuring these locks to be put on all their stages, and it cannot be long before they will be on all the thousands of stages, that run in every section of this extensive country. Security is of great impor tance in travelling in stages. He, therefore, that invents any thing, to facilitate intercourse among men, and afford security to that intercourse, is a public bene factor.-Pennsylvania Intelligencer.

STEAM ON THE CANAL.-We understand the Chesa 879 peake and Delaware Canal Company, have made sun880 dry experiments with steam on their canal, which have 857 proved highly satisfactory. The Boat made use of is 881 88 feet long on deck, 10 feet beam, and draws twelve inches of water besides a very small keel. Her paddle 718 wheels are on the sides of the boat, they are 4 feet on 698 the fan, and 8 feet 2 inches in diameter, the paddles are 696 8 inches deep. The boiler is 6 feet long by 3 feet in 691 diameter, it is round and filled with tubes, the cylinder is 8 inches in diameter, with a stroke of piston of 2 feet. When running at a speed of 8 miles an hour she consumes 314 pounds of pine wood in one hour, and at this speed the wash on the canal banks is only about one-third of that made by the passenger barges when running at the same speed.

CANAL TRANSPORTATION.-A lot of goods was received at this place, last week, by the "Boatman's Line," in only eight days from Philadelphia. This is the quickest passage that has been made even by canal boats. Formerly goods could not be delivered here from the city, by wagons, in less than eighteen or twenty days. Here then is one of the advantages of our improvement system; but there is another; goods are not only brought quicker, but cheaper. The cost of carriage by wagons from $2 50 to $3 25 per hundred; now by the canal boats it is only $1 25 per hundred. This is an advantage which will be felt, more or less, by every individual in the community; for as the first cost of store goods becomes reduced, competition will naturally cheapen their price to the consumer. Other advan

tages could be enumerated, but these are sufficient to show how blindly the opposers of the canal system are acting. They are labouring to injure their own interest as well as that of the public generally.-Ib.

USEFUL INVENTION.-During the past week, we visited in company with several gentlemen of Harrisburg, the coach factory of Mr. Ebenezer Miltimore, for the purpose of seeing an operation of a new apparatus invented by him for locking the wheels of a coach, with out stopping the stage or leaving the driver's seat. was pronounced by all present a highly valuable improvement. and such a one as has long been wanted. It

It

From several experiments made with this boat, we learn that she answers remarkably well for towing ves sels loaded with merchandize or produce and it is probable that after this season, steam power will entirely supercede the use of horses on this canal.—U. S. Gaz.

THE REGISTER.
PHILADELPHIA, OCT. 12, 1833.

In the present number will be found an interesting discourse delivered by Mr. Duponceau in 1821, before the American Philosophical Society on the early settlement of this state. Since its delivery, a history of the state has been published by Thomas F. Gordon, Esq. and also a Gazetteer of the state by the same author, and several of the documents referred to, will be found in our preceding volumes.

this city. The result as far as ascertained will be found On Tuesday last the general election took place in in this number taken from the daily papers, which we presume is sufficiently accurate for general purposes. The polls were opened at 8 o'clock, which is earlier than usual. There was a considerable excitement, and the windows were very early crowded. With the exception of some disturbances, at the window for North Mulberry Ward at which the interference of the police became several times necessary, the election was conducted in a peaceable manner.

HAZARD'S

REGISTER OF PENNSYLVANIA.

DEVOTED TO THE PRESERVATION OF EVERY KIND OF USEFUL INFORMATION RESPECTING THE STATE.

EDITED BY SAMUEL HAZARD.

VOL. XII.-NO. 16. PHILADELPHIA, OCTOBER 19, 1833. NO. 303

From the National Gazette.

THE OLDEN TIME.

A charge delivered by Alexander Addison, Esq., Presi. dent of the Court, to the Grand Jury of the county of Allegheny, at Pittsburg, September 1st, 1794.

The alarming and awful situation of this country, at this time, is too well known to require a statement. On the part of government, we are now offered a forgiveness of all that is past, on condition that we sincerely submit to the excise law, and all other laws. The question now is, whether we will accept of the terms propos

ed or not.

The decision of this question is of such importance, that I am sure it will receive a solemn consideration from every citizen of a sober mind. If we accept of the terms, we shall have peace. If we reject them, we shall have war. There is no medium between these extremes. For in the present state of this country, it is impossible to expect from government a repeal of the excise law. Government is the whole people acting by their representatives. The will of these representatives must not be extorted by force or fear; otherwise those, who thus constrain them, exercise a tyranny over the rest of the people. We are little more than a seventieth part of the United States. We ought not therefore to pretend to dictate laws to the whole. But whatever portion we may be, if one law is repealed, at the call of armed men, government is destroyed; no law will have any force; every law will be disobeyed, in some part of the Union. Government is therefore now compelled to enforce submission to this law, or to none. The whole force of the United States must be exerted to support its authority now, or the government of the United States must cease to exist. Submission or war, therefore, is the alterna

tive.

War is so dreadful a calamity, that nothing can justify its admission, but an evil against which no other remedy remains. That the colonies, to relieve themselves from the tyranny of Britain, should have roused to war, no man will wonder. They had to acquire the first principle of liberty, an equal voice in framing their laws. The same was the case of France. Its constitution was overthrown, and one man had, by inheritance, acquired a power which he could transmit to his successor, of making laws for the whole nation. But our consitution has already secured the most democratic principles of representation. Our complaint is only against the ordinary exercise of legislation. We have now more than a just proportion of representatives. To fill our just proportion we may choose whom we please. And we ought not yet to despair, that, in a legal manner, we shall receive redress for every just complaint. The principles of liberty are completely established in our constitution. Those principles are, that the will of a majority should control the few. We wish now for a liberty destructive of those principles, which we formerly sought, and the French now fight to establish Our complaint is, that the many, have not yet repealed a law at the request of the few, and therefore we rashly

subdue us, we shall, at the end of the war, be certainly
not in a better situation, than we are at present, for the
same necessity, the preservation of the authority of go-
exists for enforcing it now. We shall be in a worse con-
vernment, will exist for enforcing the law then, which
dition; for government will then be under no obligation
to grant us the favorable terms, which are now offered;
but may exact punishment for past offences, penalties
for past delinquencies, compensation for past damages,
and re-imbursement of the expenses of the war.
these I might add the miseries attending the war.
as these will attend the war in either event, I shall par-
ticularly allude to them, in the supposition of our de-
feating the United States.

To

But

To me this event appears improbable to the last degree. A train of unfortunate delusions (for such I deem them) seems to occupy the minds of many in this country. It is said, that no militia will come out against us, that if they do, we are so much superior in arms that we shall easily defeat them; that we can intercept them in the mountains, and prevent their passage; that if they should come, they will march peaceably along, and not disturb the citizen engaged in the lawful occupations of life; and that at the worst, we can throw ourselves under the protection of the British.

On such notions, these are my remarks. From all that I have heard or seen, there is a resentment in the people of the other side of the mountains against our conduct on two grounds, as being contradictory to the principles of democracy, which requires obedience to a constitutional law; and as refusing to bear any part of a burden, to which they have submitted. This resentment will not only carry vast numbers of them to comply with the regular call of the militia, but to step forward as volunteers. Supposing (which may yet be doubted) that they may at first be inferior to us, in the art of fighting; the interests of the United States are so deeply involved in our submission, no expense will be spared to accomplish it. And should the draft of the militia be insufficient, certainly the legislature will enable the Executive to raise and maintain a standing body of forces, to accomplish the object of government. They will come, at different times, in different directions, and accumulated numbers, for the whole force of the United States will be directed against us; so that the President, who never speaks till he has determined, declared by his proclamation. If this country reject the conditions offered, the whole country will be considered as in a state of rebellion; every man must be considered either as a citizen or an enemy. If he say, he is a citi zen, he may be called upon by the force under the authority of government, to unite in subduing its enemies. If he refuse, he becomes an enemy, and as such may be treated. The army of government may live among us at free quarters, and reduce us to obedience by plunder, fire and sword.

Will the British receive us? The government of Canada dare not, without authority from London. And it is not to be supposed, that Britain will risk the loss of the friendship and trude of the United States for so poor an object as our becoming her subjects. If she did, might we If we determine on war, look forward to the conse-not expect, that the United States would seize her doquences. Either we shall defeat the United States; or the United States will subdue us. If the United States

propose war.

VOL. XII.

31

minions on the eastern part of Canada and Nova Scotia, and intercept our communication with her. Against the

whole force of the United States, exerted, as we have reason to fear, what have we to rest on? Where are our arms? Where are our magazines of military stores? Or where can we obtain a supply of these articles, but from the United States, with whom we shall be at war? All communication between us and our fellow citizens on the east side of the mountains will be cut off. Even the supplies of the common articles of life, which we receive from them, will be prevented: and not a single article of food or clothing, much less of arms or ammu. nition, will be furnished to us from that quarter. Army after army will be sent against us. In a state of open war, we shall be considered as any other enemy, with the additional rancour attached to a civil war. Our agriculture will be destroyed, our fields laid waste, our houses burnt, and, while we are fighting our fellow citizens on one side, the Indians (and God knows how soon) will attack us on the other. The consciences of many among ourselves will shrink back with horror, at the idea of drawing a sword against our brethren. They will call for neutrality. They will enter into associations for mutual de fence. Many, who now from fear of danger or insult, put on the appearance of zeal and violence, will, when it comes to decisive exertion, draw back. But those who are for war will strive, by force, to draw in those who are for peace. We shall attack and destroy each other, and fall by our own hands. Our cornfields will be converted into fields of battle. No man will sow, for no man shall be sure that he shall reap. Poverty, distress, and famine will extinguish us. All mutual confidence will be at an end, and all the bands of society will be dissolved. Every man will be afraid to speak to his neighbor. There will be no power of government to control the violence of the wicked. No man's life, no man's house, no man's goods, no man's wife, no man's daughter will be safe. A scene of general destruction will take place. And, should government, weary of chastising us, at last leave us to our selves; we shall be a miserable remnant, without wealth, commerce, or virtue; a prey to the savages, or slaves to Britain.

Are we prepared for a separation from the United States, and to exist as an independent people? This is a question which ought to be settled, previously to our taking up arms against government. For to disobey a government, while, by remaining in it, we admit its authorily to command, is too absurd, and too contrary to the duty of citizens, for any man of reason and virtue to support: especially where that government, like ours, is created and changeable by the people themselves, that is, by the whole people, or a majority of the whole people. Our appeal to arms is therefore a declaration of independence, and must issue, either in separation or obedience.

Whose salaries have been defrayed by the commonwealth.

The board of inspectors, in all their annual communications, have endeavored to impress upon the Legis. lature the absolute necessity of a radical alteration in the construction of the cells of this prison, so as to enable the board to conform the discipline of the institution to the provisions of the law; the existing arrangement of the cells, completely excluding the board of inspec tors and officers of the prison from the possibility of promoting the moral improvement of the miserable beings under their charge, or even so employing them as to remove or even diminish the expenses attendant on their maintenance. Under these untoward circumstanGovernment cannot recede farther than it has done. ces, a sense of public duty alone has induced many of It has already made sacrifices, which entitle it to grate-the board to continue in office; and the hope that the ful returns. It offers to forgive past offences, and con constituted authorities of the commonwealth would at siders us as having never erred. It cannot, without a length perceive the disadvantages and imperfections of total extinction of all authority, repeal this law, while the prison, and apply such remedies as might enable we disobey it; Government must either subdue us or the inspectors to discharge the trust reposed in them, cast us off. For, however we may flatter ourselves with satisfactorily to themselves and usefully to the public, the destructive hope of defeating government, we have has heretofore reconciled them, in some degree, to their no prospect of subduing it; and compelling the United unpleasant situation. States to retain us in the Union. Suppose us then a separate people, what prospect have we of being able to secure those objects, which are essential to the prosperity of this country, and of far more consequence than the repeal of the excise law?

Do you, gentlemen, who by your station, can do it so effectually unite with me in expressing, propagating, and supporting these sentiments; and through you, both now and hereafter, let them be felt to be the voice of your country.

They are mine-and were an angel from Heaven to charge me, to make to you, as I should answer it at the tribunal of God, a faithful declaration of my opinion of the interests of this country, at this important period, 1

The board has reason to believe that that period has now arrived. The Executive of the state, in his annual message to the Legislature, has distinctly portrayed the condition, and recommended this prison as a proper subject of legislative interference. A prompt response has been made by each House, and committees appointed to visit and examine the Western Penitentiary, with the view of ascertaining the remedies proper to be ap plied. Those committees have discharged their duty in relation to the Western Penitentiary, and communicated fully with the inspectors and officers of the prison on the subject. All the information, therefore,necessary for a due consideration of the matter, will no doubt be laid before the Legislature, at an early day. The board

be.

For the effectual remedy of those difficulties, it may however be looked to, from the inspectors, to give some information and estimates.

will therefore abstain from further remark, under the taminating influence of the demoralising conversation conviction that this information will be so full and satis. and evil example of convicts of different grades of turfactory, as to induce immediate action and the necessa-pitude, the hope and probability of the reformation of ry measures taken by the Legislature, to render this some of those in whose bosoms there are yet some reestablishment all that the laws enacted for the punish mains of virtue, would be greatly increased, and the ment and reformation of convicts, demand that it should incorrigible and desperate villain, by being separated from his associates in crime, and deprived of the satisfaction of conversing with those of congenial minds, would feel his punishment more severely; and if not altogether deterred from again committing crime, would not be likely to commit his depredations within the district in which, if detected, he would be certain of being again doomed to a similar punishment. To the wicked and determined villain this prison appears to possess little or no terror; after the discharge of such, they frequently remain in the vicinity of the prison, spending their time in idleness, without any visible means of support, and frequently call at the prison to inquire concerning those with whom they had become acquainted while in confinement. So little do they regard the confinement in this prison, that of the fortyeight prisoners received into this penitentiary during the year 1832, five were recommitments of persons who had served tours in this prison, and had been but a short time discharged.

They would, therefore, respectfully suggest, that an appropriation be made by the Legislature, for the entire re-construction of the cells of this prison on a plan similar to those of the Eastern Penitentiary. To perfect this plan, an expensive sewer will have to be constructed to the Allegheny river, a more abundant supply of water obtained, and a thorough change in the mode of heating the whole. With these improvements, the board does not hesitate to believe the prisoners would become no longer a charge on their respective counties, and their moral welfare importantly promoted.

The cells of the Eastern Penitentiary have cost a sum of six hundred dollars each.

With the materials of stone and brick which compose the present cells, (196 in number) it is supposed there will be an ample supply for rebuilding the whole. The iron doors, hinges, fastenings, jambs, lintels, &c. &c. can all be made to answer for the new ones, and the whole of the labor (excepting the mechanical part, and some of that) can be supplied from the convicts. The board, therefore, is of opinion, that the construction of the cells anew, such as is now recommended, can be completed for the sum of $300 each, if not less, making then, for 196, a total expenditure of about $60,000 to accomplish the whole. The funds already at the disposal of the inspectors, say $6000, will be adequate to connect the water closets of the cells with, and the construction of the sewer to the river. A sum not exceeding $25,000 will be a sufficient annual appropriation until the whole is completed; more than that could not be judiciously expended during the working season. The above estimate of $300 for each cell is intended to include the payment of such architects and supervision as the board might have occasion to employ.

The board would again respectfully draw the attention of the Legislature, to the propriety of making a small provision for the services of a religious instruction: a permanent supply for this important branch of prison discipline, could not fail to be attended with the most happy effects.

The present is undoubtedly the most suitable time for making the alterations, as the present number of convicts can be secured in one part of the prison, whilst the alterations are being made in another. Should the number of prisoners increase in the proportion they have done during the last year, the time will soon arrive when it will be difficult, if not altogether impracticable, to make those alterations, as there would not be sufficient room in the prison to secure the convicts and make the improvements at the same time. In support of my opinion, that the prisoners at labour, under proper regulations, would defray the expenses of their maintenance, I will direct the attention of the board of inspectors to the amount earned by the shoemakers in this prison during the last year, (and it will be admitted that with them there has been much waste of time, and unavoidably some waste of materials, which has lessened the amount of their earning;) there has been an average of about four shoemakers at work, who have earned $315, or $79 each; the expenses of their maintenance, on an average, is a little less than $60 each, which for four prisoners would be $240, which taken from $315, leaves $75 of a surplus, after defraying all expenses of their maintenance.

The whole expense of maintenance of convicts in this prison during the year 1832, is $4761 84, and there has been earned by shoemaking $315, by picking oak.

The annual report of the warden, marked A., a tabular statement from the same officer, marked B., and the report of the physician, marked C., are herewith trans-um $485 47, and by various other labour $133 87, mitted, for the consideration of the Legislature. All of which is respectfully submitted.

By order of the board of inspectors, Western Penitentiary,

WM. ROBINSON, JR. Secretary.

A.

amounting in all to $934 34, leaving a balance to be paid by the counties, of $3827 50. By the tabular statement herewith presented, it will be seen that forty-eight prisoners have been received into the penitentiary during the year 1832, twelve have been discharg ed by expiration of their sentences, ten by pardon, and two have died, sixty-four being the number in prison

To the Board of Inspectors of the Western Penitentiary on the first of January, 1832, leaves eighty-eight in

of Pennsylvania.

GENTLEMEN. In my former reports I have urged the necessity of an alteration in the interior of our penitentiary; another year's experience has more fully confirmed me in the opinion, that such alterations should be made as will adapt this institution to a system of regular labour, and as will effectually prevent all communication between convicts, thereby adapting it to the requisitions of our laws relating to penitentiary punishments. I am confident, that if this prison was altered to the plan of the Eastern penitentiary, and the necessary stock and implements were provided, the prisoners would be enabled to defray all the expenses of their maintenance; and by preventing communication between convicts, they would be preserved from the corrupting and con

prison on the first of January, 1833.

I will conclude with the sentiments of that excellent officer, Samuel R. Wood, Esq. warden of the Eastern penitentiary, adopting them as my own. I am "fully convinced that separate confinement, with labour and moral religious instruction, is the most perfect and most beneficial system for the management of convicts," which has ever been devised or put into practice, "embracing in its details all the advantages, and avoiding most of the evils, which are inherent in every other plan which has occupied" the attention of the philanthropist.

All which is respectfully submitted.
JOHN PATTERSON,
Warden of the Western Pennitentiary of Pennsylvania.
January 11th, 1833.