as now much in the society of literary men, and ng a considerable amount of writing. In 1759 n to gather material for the "Annual Register," f chronicle of events, to which he contributed for ears. Burke went to Ireland in 1761 in the emWilliam Gerard Hamilton, where he stayed two Not content to abandon his own pursuits, howHamilton wished him to do, he broke with that olitician and returned to London, literature, and ary friends.

I was by this time widely known as a writer on and economic subjects, and when the new Whig was formed, 1765, he was made private secretary Rockingham, Prime Minister. In the same year elected to Parliament. Within a little more than he was speaking on the theme that makes him important to us, the American Colonies. In the of ministry that occurred the next year Burke O possible office to remain with his party, and imself into the struggle to prevent the King, the Third, from exercising absolute power. Engs in a turmoil; Parliament had expelled a memkes, and though he was repeatedly reëlected, had to allow him to sit. This and similar encroachnconstitutional rights Burke warmly denounced, ng the gist of his speeches in a pamphlet, ts on the Cause of the Present Discontents," the monumental pieces of political literature." ause for which Burke and his fellow Whigs were a government of reason and constitutional right, eed the same in many ways as that for which the n Colonies were soon to fight. When Burke

India on an important commission, but he derobably because his heart was so deeply conaffairs at home. In 1774 he was elected to the iament from Bristol, the second city in England chief centre for American trade. It was at s time that he delivered his three great speeches ca, the Speech on American Taxation (April 19, few months before his election, the Speech for on with America (March 22, 1775), a few after taking his seat, and the Letter to the of Bristol on the Affairs of America (April 3, Thirty years ago John Morley said of them: "It aggeration to say that they compose the most manual in our literature, or in any literature, who approaches the study of public affairs, for knowledge or for practice.

If ever in

ss of time . . . Burke becomes one of the halfmes of established and universal currency in and in common books . . . it will be the maselevation, the wisdom, of these far-shining disn which the world will in an especial degree the combination of sovereign gifts with benees." Many of the great principles then laid Burke, though they seem fairly truisms to us ere at that time new principles, the first cogent of great political and economic philosophy. failed of reëlection from Bristol when at the his career as an economic reformer. He had ears before declared that a representative should own judgment, even though it be against the I his constituents. In accord with this belief he 1780 to relieve Irish commerce of some grievous ns, a measure regarded with disfavor by the s of Bristol. They defeated him for reëlection. immediately elected from Malton. In 1782 the f the American war threw Lord North's ministry

11

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atest statesman of the day he might have expected office. He was given only that of Paymaster, a of comparatively small importance, the pay of had been reduced by Burke's economical reforms. he was undoubtedly disappointed, he discharged lly the duties his party had given him.

in three months Rockingham died, and the Whig split into two violent factions, Lord Shelborne, Minister, on one side, Burke and Fox on the other. ne's administration fell in 1783, and was followed Coalition ministry, a union of Whig and Tory, in Burke again became Paymaster. Burke's action at ne is inexplainable. He probably had much to do estroying the prestige of his own party, and with g to naught the good which his former efforts to promise. At the end of the year the Coalition Whigs were ruined, and Burke was almost vioout of harmony with both enemies and friends. 785 Burke's ceaseless energy had brought him to active attention to the affairs of India, which long felt insufferable. Warren Hastings, Goveneral, returned from India at this time, and saw an opportunity not only to strike a blow at political evil, but also at the party in power. already shown mastery of the affairs of India; peech on the Nabob of Arcot's Debts he made this ge more surprisingly clear and complete, and the deplorable state of affairs in that quarter. t step was to lay the blame for these conditions tings, and in 1786 he prepared papers for his ment. The trial began in 1788 and lasted until In the opening of the trial Burke made his great

rke was now to be separated from his Whig
d to gain renown where before he had inspired
n 1773 he had visited France and had learned
uld of French affairs, and from that time
with uneasiness the tendencies toward revolt in
try. In the early events of the Revolution,
alded all over the world as great advances to-
ty, Burke saw lawlessness, the breaking down
shed order, violent uprooting of the growth of
He saw in the beginning the bloody end to
must lead, and at once set the full tide of his
nd eloquence against the flood of destruction.
e published his "Reflections on the Revolution
" a defense of established order, political and
that pleased all the nobility of Europe, and
bout a temporary reaction of feeling in Eng-
s later utterances on the subject became more
bitter, as affairs became worse in France, until
passion lends too much color to the reason.
later years were full of bitterness. His temper
bearable, his friends were repulsed. In 1792
"Letter to Sir Hercules Langrishe," in which
for Ireland a policy such as he had desired for
'a singular interlude of calm and solid reason-
midst of a fiery whirlwind of intense passion."
later his only son died, Burke resigned from
t on a pension of £2,500, and died in 1797.
e great principle for which Burke strove
t his career, established order, reverence for
I authority, serves to render consistent a life
wise might seem almost capricious in its asso-
In his own time he was criticised for what
nflicting positions on great political questions,
1 in the total his course shows him to have been
n his high devotion to the principle in which he
His temper was one to make him enemies rather

An His most knowledge his enthusiasme and

of his li field of the great he was Goldsmit coterie he Early sent an all throu pathy fo of the h Whateve to admir has pro warm sy the wron

of his life inexcusably bitter. Yet even in the stormy field of political life he had as constant friends some of the greatest men of his day, and among men of letters he was one of the great group that included Johnson, Goldsmith, Garrick, Gibbon and Reynolds, in which varied coterie he was held in great affection.

Early in his career, when hard pressed for money, he sent an ambitious artist to study on the Continent, and all through his life he gave evidence of his warm sympathy for suffering human kind, whether it be the whole of the hordes of India, or the obscure dependent friend. Whatever may have been his shortcomings, we cannot fail to admire him as one of the greatest statesmen England has produced, to feel some affection for the man whose warm sympathies and generous impulses were as wide as the wrongs of mankind.