I can perceive by their manner that some gentlebject to the latitude of this description, because in uthern Colonies the Church of England forms a body, and has a regular establishment. It is certrue. There is, however, a circumstance attending 20 Colonies which, in my opinion, fully counterbalthis difference, and makes the spirit of liberty ore high and haughty than in those to the northIt is that in Virginia and the Carolinas they have multitude of slaves. Where this is the ease in any 25 f the world, those who are free are by far the most and jealous of their freedom. Freedom is to them ly an enjoyment, but a kind of rank and privilege. eing there that freedom, as in countries where it is mon blessing and as broad and general as the air, 30 be united with much abject toil, with great misery, all the exterior of servitude, liberty looks, amongst like something that is more noble and liberal. I t mean, Sir, to commend the superior morality of

FOR

ched to liberty than those to the northward. all the ancient commonwealths; such were our estors; such in our days were the Poles; and be all masters of slaves, who are not slaves In such a people the haughtiness of dominaes with the spirit of freedom, fortifies it, and nvincible.

ne, Sir, to add another circumstance in our hich contributes no mean part towards the effect of this untractable spirit. I mean their In no country perhaps in the world is the law a study. The profession itself is numerous ful; and in most provinces it takes the lead. r number of the deputies sent to the Conlawyers. But all who read, and most do read, to obtain some smattering in that science. en told by an eminent bookseller, that in no his business, after tracts of popular devotion, any books as those on the law exported to the . The Colonists have now fallen into the way them for their own use. I hear that they have 7 as many of Blackstone's Commentaries in in England. General Gage marks out this disry particularly in a letter on your table. He all the people in his government are lawyers, or in law; and that in Boston they have been enuccessful chicane, wholly to evade many parts our capital penal constitutions. The smartness ill say that this knowledge ought to teach them y the rights of legislature, their obligations to and the penalties of rebellion. All this is Il. But my honorable and learned friend on ho condescends to mark what I say for animadIl disdain that ground. He has heard, as well when great honors and great emoluments do not

is knowledge to the service of the state, it is a

and litig
ders me
ready in
people,
an ill p
ance; he

sure of
They a
approac
The 1

is hard
moral,
Three t

No con
weaken
tween 1

speedy

a whole vengear remotes that lin element

Who a chains

does to

pens in large bo at the e

govern Thrace Algiers itself, i such ob that he vigor of dent rel

ious. Abeunt studia in mores. This study renacute, inquisitive, dexterous, prompt in attack, defence, full of resources. In other countries, the nore simple, and of a less mercurial cast, judge of rinciple in government only by an actual griev- 5 re they anticipate the evil, and judge of the presthe grievance by the badness of the principle. gur misgovernment at a distance, and snuff the h of tyranny in every tainted breeze.

ast cause of this disobedient spirit in the Colonies 10 y less powerful than the rest, as it is not merely ut laid deep in the natural constitution of things. housand miles of ocean lie between you and them. rivance can prevent the effect of this distance in ng government. Seas roll, and months pass, be- 15 he order and the execution; and the want of a explanation of a single point is enough to defeat system. You have, indeed, winged ministers of ce, who carry your bolts in their pounces to the t verge of the sea. But there a power steps in 20 its the arrogance of raging passions and furious s, and says, So far shalt thou go, and no farther. e you, that you should fret and rage, and bite the of Nature? Nothing worse happens to you than all nations who have extensive empire; and it hap- 25 all the forms into which empire can be thrown. In odies the circulation of power must be less vigorous extremities. Nature has said it. The Turk cannot Egypt, and Arabia, and Kurdistan as he governs ; nor has he the same dominion in Crimea and 30 ; which he has at Brusa and Smyrna. Despotism is obliged to truck and huckster. The Sultan gets

utable condition, the eternal law, of extensive ed empire.

r, from these six capital sources: of descent; government; of religion in the Northern provanners in the Southern; of education; of the of situation from the first mover of governall these causes a fierce spirit of liberty has It has grown with the growth of the people in ies, and increased with the increase of their pirit that, unhappily meeting with an exercise England which, however lawful, is not reconny ideas of liberty, much less with theirs, has = flame that is ready to consume us.

ean to commend either the spirit in this excess,
al causes which produce it. Perhaps a more
I accommodating spirit of freedom in them
ore acceptable to us. Perhaps ideas of liberty
esired more reconcilable with an arbitrary and
uthority. Perhaps we might wish the Colonists
ided that their liberty is more secure when held
them by us, as their guardians during a per-
›rity, than with any part of it in their own
› question is, not whether their spirit deserves
ame, but-what, in the name of God, shall we
You have before you the object, such as it is,
glories, with all its imperfections on its head.
› magnitude, the importance, the temper, the
lisorders. By all these considerations we are
ed to determine something concerning it. We
pon to fix some rule and line for our future
ich may give a little stability to our politics,
the return of such unhappy deliberations as
Every such return will bring the matter be-

still more untractable form. For, what as

resistanc would go

reasoning very late but an e the Colo first vita thought, nists cou they cou what an absolute

tention,

should

passage violence

tried the has suc cient for

or the necessit

instant.

(the ac

you tha

than the

nate per

not the ernor, a Governm

was not media o ture rea

tion fro

that the enioving

ce has been pushed, upon both sides, as far as it o, there is nothing so solid and certain, either in g or in practice, that has not been shaken. Until ely, all authority in America seemed to be nothing emanation from yours. Even the popular part of 5 ony Constitution derived all its activity and its ■l movement, from the pleasure of the Crown. We Sir, that the utmost which the discontented Colould do was to disturb authority; we never dreamt uld of themselves supply it; knowing in general 10 ■ operose business it is to establish a government ely new. But having, for our purposes in this conresolved that none but an obedient Assembly sit, the humors of the people there, finding all through the legal channel stopped, with great 15 broke out another way. Some provinces have eir experiment, as we have tried ours; and theirs ceeded. They have formed a Government suffir its purposes, without the bustle of a Revolution troublesome formality of an Election. Evident 20 y and tacit consent have done the business in an

So well they have done it, that Lord Dunmore count is among the fragments on your table) tells at the new institution is infinitely better obeyed e ancient Government ever was in its most fortu- 25 riods. Obedience is what makes Government, and names by which it is called; not the name of Govs formerly, or Committee, as at present. This new ment has originated directly from the people; and transmitted through any of the ordinary artificial 30 of a positive Constitution. It was not a manufacady formed, and transmitted to them in that condiom England. The evil arising from hence is this;