nto the opposite region of polar cold, that they e antipodes, and engaged under the frozen serhe south. Falkland Island, which seemed too reromantic an object for the grasp of national is but a stage and resting-place in the progress victorious industry. Nor is the equinoctial heat couraging to them than the accumulated winter the poles. We know that whilst some of them line and strike the harpoon on the coast of thers run the longitude and pursue their gigantic ng the coast of Brazil. No sea but what is vexed fisheries. No climate that is not witness to their either the perseverance of Holland, nor the acFrance, nor the dexterous and firm sagacity of enterprise ever carried this most perilous mode - industry to the extent to which it has been y this recent people; a people who are still, as it in the gristle, and not yet hardened into the manhood. When I contemplate these things; know that the Colonies in general owe little or o any care of ours, and that they are not squeezed happy form by the constraints of watchful and s government, but that, through a wise and saluect, a generous nature has been suffered to take way to perfection; when I reflect upon these hen I see how profitable they have been to us, I he pride of power sink, and all presumption in om of human contrivances melt and die away e. My rigor relents. I pardon something to the liberty.

sible, Sir, that all which I have asserted in my admitted in the gross; but that quite a different nis drawn from it. America, gentlemen say, is

11

habits. Tho course have the thunder efficacy of ar knowledge, n management odious, but a numerous, s profitable an First, Sir alone is but but it does and a natio conquered. My next

ways the e tory. If y for, concili no further ity are so be begged lence.

A furt

object by you foug depreciate Nothing l not choose because in sume. Id at the end midst of i against su wholly to

snimi

'hose who understand the military art will of ve some predilection for it. Those who wield er of the state may have more confidence in the

arms. But I confess, possibly for want of this e, my opinion is much more in favor of prudent 5 ent than of force; considering force not as an t a feeble instrument for preserving a people, so , so active, so growing, so spirited as this, in a and subordinate connection with us.

Sir, permit me to observe that the use of force 10 Out temporary. It may subdue for a moment; es not remove the necessity of subduing again: tion is not governed which is perpetually to be

1.

xt objection is its uncertainty. Terror is not al- 15 effect of force, and an armament is not a vicyou do not succeed, you are without resource; iliation failing, force remains; but, force failing, r hope of reconciliation is left. Power and authorometimes bought by kindness; but they can never 20 d as alms by an impoverished and defeated vio

ther objection to force is, that you impair the your very endeavors to preserve it. The thing ght for is not the thing which you recover; but 25 ced, sunk, wasted, and consumed in the contest. less will content me than whole America. I do se to consume its strength along with our own; in all parts it is the British strength that I condo not choose to be caught by a foreign enemy 30 ■d of this exhausting conflict; and still less in the it. I may escape; but I can make no insurance such an event. Let me add, that I do not choose

to break the American spirit because it is the

d to a fault. It may be so. But we know, if evidence, that our fault was more tolerable than pt to mend it; and our sin far more salutary penitence.

ir, are my reasons for not entertaining that on of untried force by which many gentlemen, sentiments in other particulars I have great em to be so greatly captivated. But there is d a third consideration concerning this object, ves to determine my opinion on the sort of ch ought to be pursued in the management of even more than its population and its comean its Temper and Character.

This

character of the Americans, a love of freedom
dominating feature which marks and distin-
e whole and as an ardent is always a jealous
your Colonies become suspicious, restive, and
e, whenever they see the least attempt to wrest
by force, or shuffle from them by chicane, what
the only advantage worth living for.
t of liberty is stronger in the English Colonies
han in any other people of the earth, and this
at variety of powerful causes; which, to under-
true temper of their minds and the direction
spirit takes, it will not be amiss to lay open
nore largely.

Le people of the Colonies are descendants of
1. England, Sir, is a nation which still, I
ects, and formerly adored, her freedom. The
emigrated from you when this part of your
vas most predominant; and they took this bias
on the moment they parted from your hands.
therefore not only devoted to liberty, but to
ording to English ideas, and on English prin-

stract liberty, like other mere abstractions, is found Liberty inheres in some sensible oh

point, of the

the gre

the ea

Most o

primar

balance

tion of Englan ablest

cised;

order portan who in Constit as a d

been ac

to resid They they s the pa mediat records finite

in all

mediate

their o

The Co

these id

you, fix

Liberty other alarmed that be not say

your ge

which by way of eminence becomes the criterion r happiness. It happened, you know, Sir, that at contests for freedom in this country were from liest times chiefly upon the question of taxing. f the contests in the ancient commonwealths turned 5 ily on the right of election of magistrates; or on the among the several orders of the state. The quesmoney was not with them so immediate. But in d it was otherwise. On this point of taxes the pens, and most eloquent tongues, have been exer- 10 the greatest spirits have acted and suffered. In to give the fullest satisfaction concerning the imce of this point, it was not only necessary for those argument defended the excellence of the English ution to insist on this privilege of granting money 15 ry point of fact, and to prove that the right had knowledged in ancient parchments and blind usages le in a certain body called an House of Commons. vent much farther; they attempted to prove, and ucceeded, that in theory it ought to be so, from 20 rticular nature of an House of Commons as an ime representative of the people; whether the old ; had delivered this oracle or not. They took inains to inculcate, as a fundamental principle, that monarchies the people must in effect themselves, 25 ely or immediately, possess the power of granting >wn money, or no shadow of liberty can subsist. olonies draw from you, as with their life-blood, deas and principles. Their love of liberty, as with xed and attached on this specific point of taxing. 30 y might be safe, or might be endangered, in twenty particulars, without their being much pleased or d. Here they felt its pulse; and as they found eat, they thought themselves sick or sound. I do

your mode of governing them, whether through
Holence, through wisdom or mistake, confirmed
imagination that they, as well as you, had an
hese common principles.

e further confirmed in this pleasing error by
their provincial legislative assemblies. Their
s are popular in an high degree; some are
ular; in all, the popular representative is the
y; and this share of the people in their ordi-
ment never fails to inspire them with lofty
and with a strong aversion from whatever
prive them of their chief importance.
ng were wanting to this necessary operation
of government, religion would have given it
effect. Religion, always a principle of energy,
people is no way worn out or impaired; and
of professing it is also one main cause of
rit. The people are Protestants; and of that
is the most adverse to all implicit submission
d opinion. This is a persuasion not only
liberty, but built upon it. I do not think,
e reason of this averseness in the dissenting
om all that looks like absolute government is
be sought in their religious tenets, as in their
very one knows that the Roman Catholic re-
least coeval with most of the governments
vails; that it has generally gone hand in hand
and received great favor and every kind of
om authority. The Church of England too
from her cradle under the nursing care of
ernment. But the dissenting interests have
n direct opposition to all the ordinary powers
l, and could justify that opposition only on a
to natural liberty. Their very existence de-
he powerful and unremitted assertion of that
Protestantism, even the most cold and passive,

resistan

tantism

variety

commu

of the notwith

a sort tenth this sp

of all;

constar part, b of thei temper with w Sir, men ob the So large b tainly these

ances

still m ward.

a vast part of proud a not onl Not see

a comm

may be with al them, 1 do not this sen

in it: h