reason of the three angels that are yet to sound." Between the sounding of the fifth and sixth trumpets, which are symbolical of various kinds of calamity, and the seventh, an episode occurs. (chap. x.) An angel appears declaring that there shall be no more delay, but that the catastrophe shall ensue immediately upon the sounding of the last trumpet. A new commission is also given to John under the symbol of the little book, intimating that his work will not end with this catastrophe, another still awaiting him when this shall have closed. In chap. xi. the doomed people fill up the measure of their crimes by the slaughter of the witnesses, whose bodies are exposed in the streets of the City; and this City is no other than Jerusalem, "where our Lord was crucified." Thus all doubt as to the object of vengeance is at an end; it is the country of which Jerusalem is the capital. The seventh angel then sounds; but a veil is drawn over the fearful work of devastation itself, and we hear not the shrieks of the dying, their mingled groans, and prayers, and execrations, but only the voices in heaven singing their thanks to God for this just exhibition of his wrath. Thus are we taught that the work is finished, the catastrophe past. The destruction of Jewish persecutors is, according to Mr. Stuart, signified and symbolized in these chapters.

A new catastrophe now begins, to which is prefixed (chap. xii.) a narrative accounting for Satan's enmity against Christians. The Church of God gives birth to the Messiah, who is to "rule the nations with a rod of iron." He eludes the attempts of the Devil to destroy him, by being caught up to heaven. Satan tries to reach him even there; but, repulsed by Michael and his angels, and unable to hurt the child, he turns his attention to the mother of the child, and becomes a relentless persecutor of the Church.

From chap. xiii. to xix., we have an account in symbol of these further efforts and their total failure. The hostile and persecuting power here, is not, in Mr. Stuart's opinion, papal Rome, but the heathen persecuting power resident in that City. This is signified by the beast, or secular power, and the false prophet, or ecclesiastical power, consecrating his influence to the former. But having dwelt so much at length upon the former catastrophe, it is less necessary to pass in review the various symbols of this latter, a work which, however tempting, want of space peremptorily forbids.

One thing alone shall detain us, the designations of time occurring in both catastrophes. Mr. Stuart resolutely attacks the strange but popular notions, that in this and other prophecies, particularly those of Daniel, each day is the symbol of a year, and consequently that any given portion of time denotes as many years as it contains days. This opinion is supported by many imposing authorities, but by next to nothing else. What is there in common sense, what in the nature of the case, what in Scripture itself to justify this cool assumption? Simply nothing; at least nothing that will bear the test of careful examination. We can, however, here only remark, that in this Commentary designations of time are understood in their ordinary sense, a day for a day, and a year for a year. Should any reader desire a

full investigation of the subject, we may refer him to a valuable little volume by the same author, entitled 'Hints on the Interpretation of Prophecy.'

We pass on then to the concluding chapters, which give a brief and rapid sketch of the close of all things, when all enemies having been subdued, like these Jewish and Heathen persecutors, and the whole earthly system having been wound up and terminated by the solemnities of the judgment, the entire race of man will be consigned either to the lake of fire, or to the happy streets of the New Jerusalem.

Many will probably be curious to learn the sentiments of this commentator upon the reign of the martyrs with Jesus Christ for a thousand years. His remarks on this subject are exceedingly judicious. The notion that Christ and the martyrs are to reign on earth is shown to be encompassed with difficulties, and, we must take leave to add, with absurdities. Upon this supposition other men must still be left in the world, having bodies and hearts unchanged, since yet once more enemies are to assail the church after the end of the thousand years. These cannot, we presume, be raised, but degenerated martyrs. We have then an anomaly well expressed by Mr. Stuart :

"What a gross conception it would be to mingle celestial and terrestrial beings in one common mass! The glorified Saviour, and the glorified martyrs, mingling with material and perishing beings, and becoming subject again to the laws of matter. **** The thing is impossible, because it is against the fundamental law of our spiritual nature. If it were not impossible, moreover, still it is utterly improbable, on any ground, that the triumph and exaltation of the martyrs are to consist in being sent back to the earth, in order to resume a terrestrial existence, surrounded with sufferings and sorrows.”—p. 708.

But in fact the passage says nothing about reigning on earth; why not then reigning in heaven, where all the saints will one day be "Kings and Priests unto God?"

Respecting the execution of this work we need only say, that whatever may, after perusal, be thought of the sentiments it contains, every one will feel that at least the difficulties have been manfully grappled with, and the steps to each conclusion fully developed. We hope some may be induced by this article to read the volume for themselves. A careful and patient study of prophecy must surely be right, if not, in these times, absolutely necessary. Ignorant and rash persons seize upon any notion that first presents itself, just because it is a solution of difficulties and they know no other. And how can their follies be checked, unless by the diligent and patient directing our attention to the same subjects, and thus producing a better explanation. It cannot well be true that the Revelation was intended to remain incomprehensible, a sealed book, a dead letter. Who can help believing, when he sees the importance attached in its own pages to the preservation and understanding of it, that the difficulty of its interpretation is chiefly owing to the errors of commentators? However that may be, may we have the assistance of the Holy Spirit to comprehend these things, which Jesus has "sent his angel to testify unto the churches."

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IV.-" LIBERTY, EQUALITY, FRATERNITY!”

By these three talismanic words, the whole of Europe, with but few exceptions, has been roused as with a trumpet voice, and nations have arisen simultaneously to put down the inequitable rule of the princes and potentates of the earth. The depths of society have been broken up. Every mind is agitated with hope or fear-hope that the reign of oppression is broken, and that the era of peace and goodwill is about to dawn, or fear, lest timehonoured institutions be destroyed, and the sceptre wrested from its accustomed hands. The eloquent peroration of the eminent Robert Hall, to his piece on Christianity consistent with a love of freedom,' nearly sixty years ago, may be regarded as still more forcibly applicable to the present time.

6

"The scenes of Providence thicken upon us so fast, and are shifted with so strange a rapidity, as if the great drama of the world were drawing to a close. Europe never presented such a spectable before, and it is worthy of being contemplated, with the profoundest attention, by all its inhabitants. The empire of darkness and of despotism has been smitten with a stroke which has sounded through the universe. When we see whole kingdoms, after reposing for centuries upon the laps of their rulers, start from their slumber, the dignity of man rising up from depression, and tyrants trembling on their thrones, who can remain entirely indifferent, or fail to turn his eye towards a theatre so august and extraordinary? These are a kind of throes and struggles of nature to which it would be a sullenness to refuse our sympathy. Old foundations are breaking up; new edifices are rearing. Institutions which have long been held in veneration, as the most sublime refinements of human wisdom and policy, which age hath cemented and confirmed, which power hath supported, which eloquence hath conspired to embellish and opulence to enrich, are falling fast into decay. New prospects are opening on every side, of such amazing variety and extent, as to stretch further than the eye of the most enlightened observer can reach.”—Works, Vol. iii. p. 57.

66

Liberty, Equality, Fraternity," are the watchwords of the present as of the first revolution. Yet is there nothing so indefinite as the meaning of these terms. With some they seem to mean license of the wildest kind, and the equalization, not of rank alone, but of property. Every species of servitude must be abolished, and social arrangements be made to render it impossible. Order, happiness, and wealth, are expected to flow, not from obedience to the great laws of social well-being, but from the will of the majority. All human suffering is to cease by a new organization of labour, and from the re-distribution of property. Or, to adopt the explanatory words of Ledru Rollin:

"Liberty is the exercise of all the faculties which we have from nature, under the guidance of reason. Equality is the participation of all the citizens in the social benefits, without any other distinctions than those of virtue and talent. Fraternity is the law of love, uniting all mankind and making them members of one and the same family."* But notwithstanding the varieties of opinion, the baselessness of theories, and the visionary expectations of many who call themselves the friends of man, these words express, without doubt, a deep, profound, and everlasting need of humanity. They constitute the ideal of that state to which man aspires.

The idea and expectation of a universal society have never been lost among men. It is the first traditions of our among race, and its attainment the constant effort of the heroes of our common humanity. From Nimrod to Napoleon, the great ones of the earth have striven to found a world-wide monarchy. To bind men in one brotherhood, animated by common purposes, and subject to the fusing law of love, has tinged the dreams of the wise and good in every age, and its future advent has formed the themes of poets, sacred and profane. More especially are the true sayings of God replete with promises of a kingdom extending over the whole earth, whose officers shall be peace, and its exactors righteousness, wherein violence shall no more be heard, nor wasting and destruction found within its borders.

Christianity has embodied in itself these wants of man, and provided and marked out the means of their satisfaction. It ensures liberty, the most perfect form of liberty; that of right action, of action beneficial to the individual man and to every other. It teaches that conformity to the divine will is productive of the highest well-being, both individual and social. Divine laws have specifically for their end the well-being of man. They express the benevolent purposes of God. To trample upon them, to set them at nought, to disregard them, is to entail suffering, and, if persisted in, the final restriction of all action whatever. By those laws our actions are restrained, but only in such directions where their exercise would be injurious. There is liberty, perfect liberty of action within certain limits; to pass

"Hence

* He proceeds thus to explain the results of these principles. flow abolition of all privileges, the imposition of taxes in proportion to fortunes, a proportionate and progressive right to heritages, a magistracy freely elected, the complete development of the institution of the jury, military ser vice equally weighing on all, gratuitous education equally bestowed upon all, the instrument of labour assured to all, the democratic re-constitution of industry and credit; voluntary and general association everywhere substituted for the inordinate impulsions of selfishness."-The Times, April 10, 1848.

those bounds is to subject ourselves to the stringent operation of penalties, or in other words to restrictions upon our liberty.

The sphere of human law is the relation of man to his fellow. The social principle obliges, constrains, the formation and maintenance of some laws to control or repress the injurious operation of individual right or liberty. Urged by his instincts to enter into social relationships, man becomes bound to exercise his own will in subordination to the well-being of others. It is therefore the object of human laws to specify, to fence round by penalties, to enforce by power, the performance of these obligations. But if, going beyond this, human legislation forbids, limits, or compels the exercise of individual or social rights which affect not our neighbour, then does it become pernicious, tyrannical, and oppressive. It may be disregarded and overthrown.

Human legislation is become a necessity, owing to the imperfection of human nature and human character. If the divine laws were in perfect operation in every heart, human laws need not be framed. Every obligation would be fulfilled from the best of motives, and the law of God, engraven on the heart, meet with its best exponent, not in codes and statutes, parliamentary or otherwise, but in holy conduct, benevolent action, and the display of universal goodness and love. Every inequality arising from differing capacities would be soothed by the operations of a ready and willing beneficence. It is man's retrogression from this state of pure moral feeling which has rendered human laws a necessity of his social condition, and the farther his departure from God and holiness, the greater has become the need of force to compel and of law to restrain him. Restrictions on liberty must exist while men imperfectly appreciate their obligations.

The highest function of government is to minister to the welfare of the whole community, not of one or more classes to the disadvantage or injury of others. That is not effected by multitudinous restrictions which give privileges to some over others, nor by the formation of laws which stand in the way of personal liberty, except so far as it may be injurious to any. As a state cannot impart the higher motives of religious duty, its sphere is the repression, punishment, and coercion of evil-doers, of such as wrong their neighbour. Beyond this restrictions are mischievous. Their tendency is to raise a sense of oppression. They irritate because unnecessary. They clash with that natural freedom of action which is every one's right, and therefore become obnoxious and hurtful.

If, however, men were subject in all things to God's law, if they acted always in accordance with the higher laws of their being, those which bind them to the eternal, the holy, and the