66

which is the cause of every difficulty in mo. rals;-the competition of particular and general consequences; or, what is the same thing, the submission of one general rule to another rule which is still more general.

way, and in the greatest degree, in which it can be promoted, it follows, that it is not only the right, but the duty, of every magistrate invested with supreme power, to enforce upon his subjects the reception of that religion which he deems most acceptable to God; and Bearing then in mind, that it is the generto enforce it by such methods as may appear al tendency of the measure, or, in other words, most effectual for the end proposed. A popish the effects which would arise from the meaking, for example, who should believe that sal- sure being generally adopted, that fixes upon it vation is not attainable out of the precincts of the character of rectitude or injustice; we prothe Romish church, would derive a right from ceed to inquire what is the degree and the sort our principles (not to say that he would be of interference of secular laws in matters of bound by them) to employ the power with religion, which are likely to be beneficial to the which the constitution intrusted him, and which public happiness. There are two maxims which power, in absolute monarchies, commands the will in a great measure regulate our conclulives and fortunes of every subject of the em- sions upon this head. The first is, that any pire, in reducing his people within that com- form of Christianity is better than no religion munion. We confess that this consequence is at all: the second, that, of different systems inferred from the principles we have laid down of faith, that is the best which is the truest. concerning the foundation of civil authority, The first of these positions will hardly be disnot without the resemblance of a regular de-puted, when we reflect that every sect and moduction: we confess also that it is a conclu- dification of Christianity holds out the happision which it behoves us to dispose of; because, ness and misery of another life, as depending if it really follow from our theory of govern- chiefly upon the practice of virtue or of vice ment, the theory itself ought to be given up. in this; and that the distinctions of virtue Now it will be remembered, that the terms of and vice are nearly the same in all. A perour proposition are these:-"That it is law-son who acts under the impression of these "ful for the magistrate to interfere in the af- hopes and fears, though combined with many "fairs of religion, whenever his interference errors and superstitions, is more likely to ad66 appears to him to conduce, by its general vance both the public happiness and his own, tendency, to the public happiness." The than one who is destitute of all expectation of clause of "general tendency," when this rule a future account. The latter proposition is comes to be applied, will be found a very sig- founded in the consideration, that the princinificant part of the direction. It obliges the pal importance of religion consists in its influmagistrate to reflect, not only whether the re-ence upon the fate and condition of a future ligion which he wishes to propagate amongst his subjects, be that which will best secure their eternal welfare; not only, whether the methods he employs be likely to effectuate the establishment of that religion; but also upon this farther question: Whether the kind of inter-livered by God, what assurance does it afford, ference which he is about to exercise, if it were that the decisions of the Divine judgment will adopted as a common maxim amongst states have any regard to the rules which it contains? and princes, or received as a general rule for By a man who acts with a view to a future judgthe conduct of government in matters of reli- ment, the authority of a religion is the first gion, would, upon the whole, and in the mass thing inquired after; a religion which wants of instances in which his example might be imi-authority, with him wants every thing. Since tated, conduce to the furtherance of human then this authority appertains, not to the resalvation. If the magistrate, for example, should ligion which is most commodious,-to the rethink that, although the application of his pow-ligion which is most sublime and efficacious, er might, in the instance concerning which he to the religion which suits best with the form, deliberates, advance the true religion, and together with it, the happiness of his people, yet that the same engine, in other hands, who might assume the right to use it with the like pretensions of reason and authority that he himself alleges, would more frequently shut out truth, and obstruct the means of salvation; he would be bound by this opinion, still admitting public utility to be the supreme rule of his conduct, to refrain from expedients, which, whatever particular effects he may expect from them, are, in their general operation, dangerous or hurtful. If there be any difficulty in the subject, it arises from that

existence. This influence belongs only to that religion which comes from God. A political religion may be framed, which shall embrace the purposes, and describe the duties of political society perfectly well; but if it be not de

or seems most calculated to uphold the power and stability, of civil government, but only to that religion which comes from God; we are justified in pronouncing the true religion by its very truth, and independently of all considerations of tendencies, aptnesses, or any other internal qualities whatever, to be universally the best.

From the first proposition follows this inference, that when the state enables its subjects to learn some form of Christianity, by distributing teachers of a religious system throughout the country, and by providing for the maintenance of these teachers at the public ex

pense; that is, in fewer terms, when the laws | enforces such injunctions, is adverse to the stablish a national religion, they exercise a progress of truth; forasmuch as it causes that power and an interference, which are likely, to be fixed by one set of men, at one time, in their general tendency, to promote the in- which is much better, and with much more proterest of mankind; for, even supposing the bability of success, left to the independent and species of Christianity which the laws patron-progressive inquiry of separate individuals. ise to be erroneous and corrupt, yet when the Truth results from discussion and from conoption lies between this religion and no reli- troversy; is investigated by the labours and region at all, (which would be the consequence searches of private persons. Whatever, thereof leaving the people without any public means fore, prohibits these, obstructs that industry of instruction, or any regular celebration of and that liberty, which it is the common inIn religion, the offices of Christianity,) our proposition terest of mankind to promote. teaches us that the former alternative is con- as in other subjects, truth, if left to itself, will almost always obtain the ascendency. If difstantly to be preferred. ferent religions be professed in the same country, and the minds of men remain unfettered and unawed by intimidations of law, that religion which is founded in maxims of reason and credibility, will gradually gain over the other to it. I do not mean that men will formally renounce their ancient religion, but that they will adopt into it the more rational doctrines, the improvements and discoveries of the neighbouring sect; by which means the worse religion, without the ceremony of a reformation, will insensibly assimilate itself to the better. If popery, for instance, and protestanism, were permitted to dwell quietly together, papists might not become protestants (for the name is commonly the last thing that is changed",) but they would become more enlightened and informed; they would by litthe and little incorporate into their creed many of the tenets of protestantism, as well as imbibe a portion of its spirit and moderation.

But after the right of the magistrate to establish a particular religion has been, upon this principle, admitted; a doubt sometimes presents itself, whether the religion which he ought to establish, be that which he himself professes, or that which he observes to prevail amongst the majority of the people. Now when we consider this question with a view to the formation of a general rule upon the subject, (which view alone can furnish a just solution of the doubt,) it must be assumed to be an equal chance whether of the two religions contains more of truth,-that of the magistrate, or that of the people. The chance then that is left to truth being equal upon both suppositions, the remaining consideration will be, from which arrangement more efficacy can be expected;-from an order of men appointed to teach the people their own religion, or to convert them to another? In my opinion, the advantage lies on the side of the former scheme; and this opinion, if it be assented to, makes it the duty of the magistrate, in the choice of the religion which he establishes, to consult the faith of the nation, rather than his own.

The justice and expediency of toleration we found primarily in its conduciveness to truth, and in the superior value of truth to that of any other quality which a religion can possess: this is the principal argument; but there The case also of dissenters must be deter- are some auxiliary considerations, too impormined by the principles just now stated. To- tant to be omitted. The confining of the subleration is of two kinds ;-the allowing to dis-ject to the religion of the state, is a needless senters the unmolested profession and exercise violation of natural liberty, and is an instance of their religion, but with an exclusion from in which constraint is always grievous. Peroffices of trust and emolument in the state; secution produces no sincere conviction, nor which is a partial toleration: and the admit- any real change of opinion; on the contrary, ting them, without distinction, to all the civil it vitiates the public morals, by driving men privileges and capacities of other citizens; to prevarication; and commonly ends in a gewhich is a complete toleration. The expedi-neral though secret infidelity, by imposing, ency of toleration, and consequently the right under the name of revealed religion, systems of every citizen to demand it, as far as relates to liberty of conscience, and the claim of being protected in the free and safe profession of his religion, is deducible from the second of those propositions which we have delivered as the Under the idea of religious toleration, I ingrounds of our conclusions upon the subject. That proposition asserts truth, and truth include the toleration of all books of serious arthe abstract, to be the supreme perfection of gumentation: but I deem it no infringement every religion. The advancement, consequent- of religious liberty, to restrain the circulation ly, and discovery of truth, is that end to which of ridicule, invective, and mockery, upon reall regulations concerning religion ought prin

of doctrine which men cannot believe, and dare not examine: finally, it disgraces the character, and wounds the reputation of Christianity itself, by making it the author of oppression, cruelty, and bloodshed.

Would we let the name stand, we might often ateipally to be adapted. Now, every species of intolerance which enjoins suppression and si-tract men, without their perceiving it, much nearer to ourselves, than, if they did perceive it, they would be lence, and every species of persecution which willing to come. L

ligious subjects; because this species of writ-1 ters from the establishment become a majori ing applies solely to the passions, weakens the ty of the people; the establishment itself ought judgment, and contaminates the imagination, to be altered or qualified. If there exists amof its readers; has no tendency whatever to ongst the different sects of the country such assist either the investigation or the impres- a parity of numbers, interest, and power, as to sion of truth: on the contrary, whilst it stays render the preference of one sect to the rest, not to distinguish between the authority of and the choice of that sect, a matter of hazardifferent religions, it destroys alike the influ-dous success, and of doubtful election, some plan similar to that which is meditated in

ence of all.

might otherwise overthrow or change the established religion of the country, in opposition to the will and sentiments of the people.

Concerning the admission of dissenters from North America, and which we have describ the established religion to offices and employed in a preceding part of the present chapter, ments in the public service, (which is neces- though encumbered with great difficulties, sary, to render toleration complete,) doubts may perhaps suit better with this divided state have been entertained, with some appearance of public opinion, than any constitution of a of reason. It is possible that such religious national church whatever. In all other situaopinions may be holden, as are utterly incom- tions, the establishment will be strong enough patible with the necessary functions of civil to maintain itself. However, if a test be apgovernment; and which opinions consequent-plicable with justice upon this principle at all, ly disqualify those who maintain them from it ought to be applied in regal governments, exercising any share in its administration. to the chief magistrate himself, whose power There have been enthusiasts who held that Christianity has abolished all distinction of property, and that she enjoins upon her followers a community of goods. With what tolerable propriety could one of this sect be appointed a judge or a magistrate, whose office it is to decide upon questions of private right, and to protect men in the exclusive enjoyment of their property? It would be equally absurd so intrust a military command to a Quaker, who believes it to be contrary to the Gospel to take up arms. This is possible; therefore it cannot be laid down as an universal truth, that religion is not, in its nature, a cause which will justify exclusion from public employments. When we examine, however, the sects of Christianity which actually prevail in the world, we must confess that, with the single exception of refusing to bear arms, we find no tenet in any of them which incapacitates men for the service of the state. It has indeed been asserted, that discordancy of religions, even supposing each religion to be free from any errors that affect the safety or the conduct of government, is enough to render men unfit to act together, in public stations. But upon what argument, or upon what experience, is this assertion founded? I perceive no reason why men of different religious persuasions may not sit upon the same bench, deliberate in the same council, or fight in the same ranks, as well as men of various or opposite opinions upon any controverted topic of natural philosophy, history, or ethics.

The second case of exclusion, and in which, I think, the measure is more easily vindicated, is that of a country in which some disaffection to the subsisting government happens to be connected with certain religious distinctions. The state undoubtedly has a right to refuse its power and its confidence to those who seek its destruction. Wherefore, if the generality of any religious sect entertain dispositions hostile to the constitution, and if government have no other way of knowing its enemies than by the religion which they profess, the professors of that religion may justly be excluded from offices of trust and authority. But even here it should be observed, that it is not against the religion that government shuts its doors, but against those political principles, which, however independent they may be of any article of religious faith, the members of that communion are found in fact to hold. Nor would the legislator make religious tenets the test of men's inclinations towards the state, if he could discover any other that was equally certain and notorious. Thus, if the members of the Romish church, for the most part adhere to the interests, or maintain the right, of a foreign pretender to the crown of these kingdoms; and if there be no way of distinguishing those who do from those who do not retain such dangerous prejudices; government is well There are two cases in which test-laws are warranted in fencing out the whole sect from wont to be applied, and in which, if in any, situations of trust and power. But even in they may be defended. One is, where two or this example, it is not to popery that the laws more religions are contending for establish- object, but to popery as the mark of jacobitment; and where there appears no way of ism; an equivocal indeed and fallacious mark, putting an end to the contest, but by giving but the best and perhaps the only one, that to one religion such a decided superiority in can be devised. But then it should be rememthe legislature and government of the coun-bered, that as the connection between popery try, as to secure it against danger from any and jacobitism, which is the sole cause of suspi other. I own that I should assent to this pre-cion and the sole justification of those severe caution with many scruples. If the dissen- and jealous laws which have been enacted

against the professors of that religion, was ac-" religious tenets; appears to be, not only the
cidental in its origin, so probably it will be "most just and liberal, but the wisest and
temporary in its duration; and that these re-"safest system, which a state can adopt ; in-
"asmuch as it unites the several perfections
strictions ought not to continue one day long-
er than some visible danger renders them ne-" which a religious constitution ought to aim
tessary to the preservation of public tranquil-" at :-liberty of conscience, with means of
"instruction; the progress of truth, with the
lity, de mala sex

CHAPTER XI.

OF POPULATION AND PROVISION; AND OF
AGRICULTURE AND COMMERCE, AS SUB-
SERVIENT THERETO.

THE final view of all rational politics is, to produce the greatest quantity of happiness in a given tract of country. The riches, strength, and glory of nations; the topics which history celebrates, and which alone almost engage the praises and possess the admiration of man. kind; have no value farther than as they contribute to this end. When they interfere with it, they are evils, and not the less real for the splendour that surrounds them.

After all, it may be asked; Why should not" peace of society; the right of private judgthe legislator direct his test against the poli-"ment, with the care of the public safety." tical principles themselves which he wishes to exclude, rather than encounter them through the medium of religious tenets, the only crime and the only danger of which consist in their presumed alliance with the former? Why, for example, should a man be required to renounce transubstantiation, before he be admit ted to an office in the state, when it might seem to be sufficient that he abjure the pretender? There are but two answers that can be given to the objection which this question contains: first, that it is not opinions which the laws fear, so much as inclinations; and, that political inclinations are not so easily detected by the affirmation or denial of any abstract proposition in politics, as by the discovery of the religious creed with which they are wont to be united:secondly, that when men reSecondly: although we speak of communinounce their religion, they commonly quit all connection with the members of the church ties as of sentient beings; although we aswhich they have left; that church no longer cribe to them happiness and misery, desires, expecting assistance or friendship from them: interests, and passions; nothing really exists whereas particular persons might insinuate or feels but individuals. The happiness of a themselves into offices of trust and authority, people is made up of the happiness of single by subscribing political assertions, and yet re-persons; and the quantity of happiness can tain their predilection for the interests of the only be augmented by increasing the number religious sect to which they continued to be- of the percipients, or the pleasure of their perlong. By which means, government would ceptions. Thirdly: Notwithstanding that diversity of sometimes find, though it could not accuse the individual, whom it had received into its condition, especially different degrees of plen. service, of disaffection to the civil establish- ty, freedom, and security, greatly vary the ment, yet that, through him, it had commu-quantity of happiness enjoyed by the same nicated the aid and influence of a powerful sta- number of individuals; and notwithstanding tion to a party who were hostile to the con- that extreme cases may be found, of human stitution. These answers, however, we pro- beings so galled by the rigours of slavery, that pose rather than defend. The measure cer- the increase of numbers is only the amplifica tainly cannot be defended at all, except where tion of misery; yet, within certain limits, and the suspected union between certain obnoxi- within those limits to which civil life is diver. ous principles in politics, and certain tenets in sified under the temperate governments that religion, is nearly universal; in which case, it obtain in Europe, it may be affirmed, I think, makes little difference to the subscriber, whe-with certainty, that the quantity of happiness ther the test be religious or political; and the state is somewhat better secured by the one than the other.

produced in any given district, so far depends upon the number of inhabitants, that, in comparing adjoining periods in the same country, The result of our examination of those ge- the collective happiness will be nearly in the néral tendencies, by which every interference exact proportion of the numbers; that is, twice of civil government in matters of religion the number of inhabitants will produce douought to be tried, is this: "That a compre-ble the quantity of happiness: in distant pe"hensive national religion, guarded by a few riods, and different countries, under great "articles of peace and conformity, together changes or great dissimilitude of civil condi "with a legal provision for the clergy of that tion, although the proportion of enjoyment "religion; and with a complete toleration of may fall much short of that of the numbers, 'all dissenters from the established church, yet still any considerable excess of numbers "without any other limitation or exception, will usually carry with it a preponderation of than what arises from the conjunction of happiness; that, at least, it may and ought 12 "dangerous political dispositions with certain to be assumed, in all political deliberations,

that a larger portion of happiness is enjoyed being improved by cultivation to an extent amongst ten persons, possessing the means of which is unknown; much, however, beyond healthy subsistence, than can be produced by the state of improvement in any country in five persons, under every advantage of power, affluence, and luxury.

From these principles it follows, that the quantity of happiness in a given district, although it is possible it may be increased, the number of inhabitants remaining the same, is chiefly and most naturally affected by alteration of the numbers: that, consequently, the decay of population is the greatest evil that a state can suffer; and the improvement of it, the object which ought, in all countries, to be aimed at, in preference to every other political purpose whatsoever.

Europe. In our own, which holds almost the first place in the knowledge and encouragement of agriculture, let it only be supposed that every field in England, of the same original quality with those in the neighbourhood of the metropolis, and consequently capable of the same fertility, were by a like management made to yield an equal produce; and it may be asserted, I believe with truth, that the quantity of human provision raised in the island would be increased five-fold. The two principles, therefore, upon which population seems primarily to depend, the fecundity of the The importance of population, and the su- species, and the capacity of the soil, would in periority of it to every other national advan- most, perhaps in all countries, enable it to protage, are points necessary to be inculcated, and ceed much farther than it has yet advanced. to be understood; inasmuch as false estimates, The number of marriageable women, who, in or fantastic notions, of national grandeur, are each country, remain unmarried, afford a comperpetually drawing the attention of states-putation how much the agency of nature in men and legislators from the care of this, the diffusion of human life is cramped and which is, at all times, the true and absolute contracted; and the quantity of waste, neinterest of a country: for which reason, we glected, or mismanaged surface, together have stated these points with unusual forma- with a comparison, like the preceding, of the lity. We will confess, however, that a com- crops raised from the soil in the neighbourpetition can seldom arise between the advancement of population and any measure of sober utility; because, in the ordinary progress of human affairs, whatever, in any way, contributes to make a people happier, tends to render them more numerous.

hood of populous cities, and under a perfect state of cultivation, with those which lands of equal or superior quality yield in different situations,-will show in what proportion the indigenous productions of the earth are capable of being farther augmented.

In the fecundity of the human, as of every The fundamental proposition upon the subother species of animals, nature has provided ject of population, which must guide every enfor an indefinite multiplication. Mankind deavour to improve it, and from which every have increased to their present number from conclusion concerning it may be deduced, is a single pair; the offspring of early marriages, this: "Wherever the commerce between the in the ordinary course of procreation, do more" sexes is regulated by marriage, and a provithan replace the parents: in countries, and "sion for that mode of subsistence, to which under circumstances very favourable to sub-" each class of the community is accustomed, sistence, the population has been doubled in" can be procured with ease and certainty, there the space of twenty years; the havoc occasion-" the number of the people will increase; and ed by wars, earthquakes, famine, or pesti-" the rapidity, as well as the extent, of the inlence, is usually repaired in a short time.- 66 crease, will be proportioned to the degree These indications sufficiently demonstrate the" in which these causes exist." tendency of nature, in the human species, to

This proposition we will draw out into the

a continual increase of its numbers. It be- several principles which it contains. comes, therefore, a question that may reason- I. First, the proposition asserts the "neably be propounded, what are the causes which" cessity of confining the intercourse of the confine or check the natural progress of this" sexes to the marriage-union." It is only in multiplication? And the answer which first the marriage-union that this intercourse is sufpresents itself to the thoughts of the inquirer ficiently prolific. Beside which, family estais, that the population of a country must stop blishments alone are fitted to perpetuate a sucwhen the country can maintain no more, that cession of generations. The offspring of a vague is, when the inhabitants are already so nu- and promiscuous concubinage are not only few, merous as to exhaust all the provision which and liable to perish by neglect, but are seldom prethe soil can be made to produce. This, how-pared for, or introduced into situations suited ever, though an insuperable bar, will seldom to the raising of families of their own. Hence be found to be that which actually checks the the advantages of marriages. Now nature, in progress of population in any country of the the constitution of the sexes, has provided a world; because the number of the people have stimulus which will infallibly secure the fre⚫ seldom, in any country, arrived at this limit, quency of marriages, with all their beneficial or even approached to it. The fertility of the effects upon the state of population, provided ground, in temperate regions, is capable of the male part of the species be prohibited from