tian testimony is depreciated and traduced;| and by which nevertheless, he may find his persuasion afterwards unsettled and perplexed?

BOOK VI.

ELEMENTS OF POLITICAL KNOWLEDGE

CHAPTER I.

OF THE ORIGIN OF CIVIL GOVERNMENT.

GOVERNMENT, at first, was either patriarchal or military: that of a parent over his family, or of a commander over his fellowwarriors.

But the enemies of Christianity have pursued her with poisoned arrows. Obscenity itself is made the vehicle of infidelity. The awful doctrines, if we be not permitted to call them the sacred truths, of our religion, together with all the adjuncts and appendages of its worship and external profession, have been sometimes impudently profaned by an unnatural conjunction with impure and lascivious images. The fondness for ridicule is almost universal and ridicule to many minds, is never so irresistible, as when seasoned with obscenity, and employed upon religion. But in proportion as these noxious principles take hold of the imagination, they infatuate the judgment: for trains of ludicrous and unchaste associations adhering to every sentiment and mention of religion, render the mind indisposed to receive either conviction from its evidence, or I. Paternal authority, and the order of doimpressions from its authority. And this ef-mestic life, supplied the foundation of civil gofect being exerted upon the sensitive part of vernment. Did mankind spring out of the our frame, is altogether independent of argu-earth mature and independent, it would be ment, proof, or reason; is as formidable to a found perhaps impossible to introduce subjectrue religion, as to a false one; to a well tion and subordination among them: but the grounded faith, as to a chimerical mythology, condition of human infancy prepares men for or fabulous tradition. Neither, let it be ob. society, by combining individuals into small served, is the crime or danger less, because communities, and by placing them from the impure ideas are exhibited under a veil, in co- beginning, under direction and control A vert and chastised language. family contains the rudiments of an empire. The authority of one over many, and the dis. position to govern and to be governed, are in this way incidental to the very nature, and coeval no doubt with the existence, of the human species.

Seriousness is not constraint of thought; nor levity, freedom. Every mind which wishes the advancement of truth and knowledge, in the most important of all human researches, must abhor this licentiousness, as violating no less the laws of reasoning, than the rights of decency. There is but one description of men, to whose principles it ought to be tolerable; I mean that class of reasoners who can see little in Christianity, even supposing it to be true. To such adversaries we address this reflection. Had Jesus Christ delivered no other declaration than the following-" The hour is coming, in the which all that are in the grave shall hear his voice, and shall come forth: they that have done good, unto the resurrection of life; and they that have done evil, unto the resurrection of damnation :"he had pronounced a message of inestimable importance, and well worthy of that splendid apparatus of prophecy and miracles with which his mission was introduced and attested; a message in which the wisest of mankind would rejoice to find an answer to their doubts, and rest to their inquiries. It is idle to say, that a future state had been discovered already :it had been discovered as the Copernican system was, it was one guess among many. He alone discovers, who proves; and no man can prove this point, but the teacher who testifies by miracles that his doctrine comes from God.

Moreover, the constitution of families not only assists the formation of civil government, by the dispositions which it generates, but also furnishes the first steps of the process by which empires have been actually reared. A parent would retain a considerable part of his authority after his children were grown up, and had formed families of their own. The obedience of which they remembered not the beginning, would be considered as natural; and would scarcely, during the parent's life, be entirely or abruptly withdrawn. Here then we see the second stage in the progress of dominion. The first was, that of a parent over his young chil dren; this, that of an ancestor presiding over his adult descendants.

Although the original progenitor was the centre of union to his posterity, yet it is not probable that the association would be immediately or altogether dissolved by his death. Connected by habits of intercourse and affection, and by some common rights, necessities, and interests, they would consider themselves as allied to each other in a nearer degree than to the rest of the species. Almost all would be sensible of an inclination to continue in the

came hereditary, or in what manner sovereign power, which is never acquired without great merit or management, learns to descend in a succession which has no dependance upon any qualities either of understanding or activity. The causes which have introduced hereditary dominion into so general a reception in the

society in which they had been brought up; and experiencing, as they soon would do, many inconveniences from the absence of that authority which their common ancestor exercised, especially in deciding their disputes, and directing their operations in matters in which it was necessary to act in conjunction, they might be induced to supply his place by a for- world, are principally the following:-the inmal choice of a successor; or rather might fluence of association, which communicates to willingly, and almost imperceptibly, transfer the son a portion of the same respect which their obedience to some one of the family, who was wont to be paid to the virtues or station by his age or services, or by the part he pos- of the father; the mutual jealousy of other sessed in the direction of their affairs during competitors; the greater envy with which all the lifetime of the parent, had already taught behold the exaltation of an equal, than the them to respect his advice, or to attend to his continuance of an acknowledged superiority; commands; or lastly, the prospect of these in- a reigning prince leaving behind him many conveniences might prompt the first ancestor adherents, who can preserve their own imto appoint a successor; and his posterity, from portance only by supporting the succession of the same motive, united with an habitual de- his children: add to these reasons, that elecference to the ancestor's authority, might re- tions to the supreme power having, upon trial, ceive the appointment with submission. Here produced destructive contentions, many states then we have a tribe or clan încorporated un-would take a refuge from a return of the same der one chief. Such communities might be calamities in a rule of succession; and no rule increased by considerable numbers, and fulfil presents itself so obvious, certain, and intellithe purposes of civil union without any other gible, as consanguinity of birth. or more regular convention, constitution, or The ancient state of society in most counform of government, than what we have de- tries, and the modern condition of some unscribed. Every branch which was slipped off civilized parts of the world, exhibit that apfrom the primitive stock, and removed to a pearance which this account of the origin of distance from it, would in like manner take civil government would lead us to expect. The root, and grow into a separate clan. Two or earliest histories of Palestine, Greece, Italy, three of these clans were frequently, we may Gaul, Britain, inform us, that these countries suppose, united into one. Marriage, conquest, were occupied by many small independent namutual defence, common distress, or more ac- tions, not much perhaps unlike those which cidental coalitions, might produce this effect. are found at present amongst the savage inII. A second source of personal authority, habitants of North America, and upon the and which might easily extend, or sometimes coast of Africa. These nations I consider as perhaps supersede, the patriarchal, is that the amplifications of so many single families; which results from military arrangement. In or as derived from the junction of two or three wars, either of aggression or defence, manifest families, whom society in war, or the approach necessity would prompt those who fought on of some common danger, had united. Suppose the same side to array themselves under one a country to have been first peopled by shipleader. And although their leader was ad- wreck on its coasts, or by emigrants or exiles vanced to this eminence for the purpose only, from a neighbouring country; the new settlers, and during the operations, of a single expedi- having no enemy to provide against, and occution, yet his authority would not always ter- pied with the care of their personal subsistminate with the reasons for which it was con-ence, would think little of digesting a system ferred. A warrior who had led forth his tribe of laws, of contriving a form of government, against their enemies with repeated success, or indeed of any political union whatever; but would procure to himself, even in the delibera- each settler would remain at the head of his tions of peace, a powerful and permanent in- own family, and each family would include all fluence. If this advantage were added to the of every age and generation who were descendauthority of the patriarchal chief, or favoured ed from him. So many of these families as by any previous distinction of ancestry, it were holden together after the death of the would be no difficult undertaking for the per- original ancestor, by the reasons and in the son who possessed it to obtain the almost ab-method above recited, would wax, as the insolute direction of the affairs of the communi- dividuals were multiplied, into tribes, clans, ty; especially if he was careful to associate to hordes, or nations, similar to those into which himself proper auxiliaries, and content to prac- the ancient inhabitants of many countries are tise the obvious art of gratifying or removing known to have been divided, and which are those who opposed his pretensions.

But although we may be able to comprehend how by his personal abilities or fortune one man may obtain the rule over many, yet it seems more difficult to explain how empire be

still found wherever the state of society and manners is immature and uncultivated.

Nor need we be surprised at the early existence in the world of some vast empires, or at the rapidity with which they advanced to their

greatness, from comparatively small and obscure originals. Whilst the inhabitants of so many countries were broken into numerous communities, unconnected, and oftentimes contending with each other; before experience had taught these little states to see their own danger in their neighbour's ruin; or had instructed them in the necessity of resisting the aggrandisement of an aspiring power, by alliances, and timely preparations; in this condition of civil policy, a particular tribe, which by any means had gotten the start of the rest in strength or discipline, and happened to fall under the conduct of an ambitious chief, by directing their first attempts to the part where success was most secure, and by assuming, as they went along, those whom they conquered into a share of their future enterprises, might soon gather a force which would infallibly overbear any opposition that the scattered power and unprovided state of such enemies could make to the progress of their victories.

Lastly, our theory affords a presumption, that the earliest governments were monarchies, because the government of families, and of armies, from which, according to our account, civil government derived its institution, and probably its form, is universally monarchical

CHAPTER II.

still returns; How are these armies themselves kept in subjection, or made to obey the commands, and carry on the designs, of the prince or state which employs them?

Now, although we should look in vain for any single reason which will account for the general submission of mankind to civil government; yet it may not be difficult to assign for every class and character in the community, considerations powerful enough to dissuade each from any attempts to resist established authority. Every man has his motive, though not the same. In this, as in other instances, the conduct is similar, but the principles which produce it, extremely various.

There are three distinctions of character, into which the subjects of a state may be di vided into those who obey from prejudice; those who obey from reason; and those who obey from self-interest.

:

I. They who obey from prejudice, are determined by an opinion of right in their governors; which opinion is founded upon prescription. In monarchies and aristocracies which are hereditary, the prescription operates in favour of particular families; in republics and elective offices, in favour of particular forms of government, or constitution. Nor is it to be wondered at, that mankind should reverence authority founded in prescription, when they observe that it is prescription which confers the title to almost every thing else. The whole course, and all the habits of civil

HOW SUBJECTION TO CIVIL GOVERNMENT life, favour this prejudice. Upon what other

IS MAINTAINED.

foundation stands any man's right to his estate? The right of primogeniture, the succession of COULD we view our own species from a dis-kindred, the descent of property, the inherit. tance, or regard mankind with the same sortance of honours, the demand of tithes, tolls, of observation with which we read the natu- rents, or services, from the estates of others, ral history, or remark the manners, of any the right of way, the powers of office and maother animal, there is nothing in the human gistracy, the privileges of nobility, the immucharacter which would more surprise us, than nities of the clergy, upon what are they all the almost universal subjugation of strength founded, in the apprehension at least of the to weakness;-than to see many millions of multitude, but upon prescription? To what robust men, in the complete use and exercise else, when the claims are contested, is the apof their personal faculties, and without any peal made? It is natural to transfer the same defect of courage, waiting upon the will of a principle to the affairs of government, and to child, a woman, a driveller, or a lunatic. And regard those exertions of power which have although, when we suppose a vast empire in been long exercised and acquiesced in, as so absolute subjection to one person, and that many rights in the sovereign; and to consider one depressed beneath the level of his species obedience to his commands, within certain acby infirmities, or vice, we suppose perhaps an customed limits, as enjoined by that rule of extreme ease: yet in all cases, even the most conscience, which requires us to render to popular forms of civil government, the physical every man his due. strength resides in the governed. In what manner opinion thus prevails over strength, or how power, which naturally belongs to superior force, is maintained in opposition to it; in other words, by what motives the many are induced to submit to the few, becomes an inquiry which lies at the root of almost every political speculation. It removes, indeed, but does not resolve, the difficulty, to say that civil governments are now-a-days almost universally upholden by standing armies; for, the question

In hereditary monarchies, the prescriptive title is corroborated, and its influence considerably augmented by an accession of religious sentiments, and by that sacredness which men are wont to ascribe to the persons of princes. Princes themselves have not failed to take advantage of this disposition, by claiming a superior dignity, as it were, of nature, or a pe culiar delegation from the Supreme Being.For this purpose were introduced the titles of Sacred Majesty, of God's Anointed, Represen.

tative, Vicegerent, together with the ceremo-confirmed dominion; that civil authority is nies of investitures and coronations, which are founded in opinion; that general opinion calculated not so much to recognise the au- therefore ought always to be treated with dethority of sovereigns, as to consecrate their ference, and managed with delicacy and cir. persons. Where a fabulous religion permit- cumspection.

ted it, the public veneration has been challeng- 2. Opinion of right, always following the ed by bolder pretensions. The Roman emper-custom, being for the most part founded in noors usurped the titles and arrogated the wor-thing else, and lending one principal support ship of gods. The mythology of the heroic to government, every innovation in the conages, and of many barbarous nations, was easily stitution, or in other words, in the custom of converted to this purpose. Some princes, like governing, diminishes the stability of governthe heroes of Homer, and the founder of the ment. Hence some absurdities are to be reRoman name, derived their birth from the tained, and many small inconveniencies engods; others, with Numa, pretended a secret dured in every country, rather than that uscommunication with some divine being; and age should be violated, or the course of publio others, again, like the incas of Peru, and the affairs diverted from their old and smooth ancient Saxon kings, extracted their descent channel. Even names are not indifferent. from the deities of their countries. The La-When the multitude are to be dealt with, there ma of Thibet, at this day, is held forth to his is a charm in sounds. It was upon this prinsubjects, not as the offspring or successor of a ciple, that several statesmen of those times addivine race of princes, but as the immortal vised Cromwell to assume the title of king, God himself, the object at once of civil obedi- together with the ancient style and insignia ence and religious adoration. This instance of royalty. The minds of many, they contendis singular, and may be accounted the farthest ed, would be brought to acquiesce in the aupoint to which the abuse of human credulity thority of a king, who suspected the office, has ever been carried. But in all these in- and were offended with the administration, of stances the purpose was the same, to engage a protector. Novelty reminded them of usurthe reverence of mankind, by an application pation. The adversaries of this design opposto their religious principles. ed the measure, from the same persuasion of the efficacy of names and forms, jealous lest the veneration paid to these, should add an influence to the new settlement which might ensnare the liberty of the commonwealth.

The reader will be careful to observe that, in this article, we denominate every opinion, whether true or false, a prejudice, which is not founded upon argument, in the mind of the person who entertains it.

3. Government may be too secure. The greatII. They who obey from reason, that is to est tyrants have been those, whose titles were say, from conscience as instructed by reason- the most unquestioned. Whenever therefore ings and conclusions of their own, are deter- the opinion of right becomes too predominant mined by the consideration of the necessity of and superstitious, it is abated by breaking the some government or other; the certain mis- custom. Thus the Revolution broke the cuschief of civil commotions; and the danger of tom of succession, and thereby moderated, both re-settling the government of their country in the prince and in the people, those lofty nobetter, or at all, if once subverted or disturb-tions of hereditary right, which in the one ed.

were become a continual incentive to tyranny, III. They who obey from self-interest, are and disposed the other to invite servitude, by kept in order by want of leisure; by a succes- undue compliances and dangerous concessions. sion of private cares, pleasures, and engage. 4. As ignorance of union, and want of comments; by contentment, or a sense of the case, munication, appear amongst the principal preplenty, and safety, which they enjoy; or last-servatives of civil authority, it behoves every ly, and principally, by fear, foreseeing that they state to keep its subjects in this want and igwould bring themselves by resistance into a norance, not only by vigilance in guarding aworse situation than their present, inasmuch as the strength of government, each discontented subject reflects, is greater than his own, and he knows not that others would join him. This last consideration has often been called opinion of power.

gainst actual confederacies and combinations, but by a timely care to prevent great collections of men of any separate party or religion, or of like occupation or profession, or in any way connected by a participation of interest or passion, from being assembled in the same viciniThis account of the principles by which man- ty. A protestant establishment in this counkind are retained in their obedience to civil try may have little to fear from its popish sub. government, may suggest the following cau-jects, scattered as they are throughout the tions.

1. Let civil governors learn hence to respect their subjects; let them be admonished, that the physical strength resides in the governed; that this strength wants only to be felt and roused, to lay prostrate the most ancient and

kingdom, and intermixed with the protestant inhabitants, which yet might think them a formidable body, if they were gathered together into one county. The most frequent and desperate riots are those which break out amongst men of the same profession, as weavers, min

ers, sailors. This circumstance makes a mu- tions, the government of the state was thence tiny of soldiers more to be dreaded than any forward committed, and whose laws the seveother insurrection. Hence also one danger of ral members of the convention were, by their an overgrown metropolis, and of those great first undertaking, thus personally engaged to cities and crowded districts, into which the in- obey. This transaction is sometimes called habitants of trading countries are commonly the social compact, and these supposed original collected. The worst effect of popular tumults regulations compose what are meant by the consists in this, that they discover to the in- constitution, the fundamental laws of the constisurgents the secret of their own strength, teach tution; and form, on one side, the inherent inthem to depend upon it against a future occa- defeasible prerogative of the crown; and, on the sion, and both produce and diffuse sentiments other, the unalienable, imprescriptible birthof confidence in one another, and assurances right of the subject. of mutual support. Leagues thus formed and Secondly, A tacit or implied compact, by all strengthened, may overawe or overset the pow- succeeding members of the state, who by acer of any state; and the danger is greater, in cepting its protection, consent to be bound by proportion as, from the propinquity of habita- its laws; in like manner, as whoever voluntion and intercourse of employment, the pas-tarily enters into a private society is understood, sions and counsels of a party can be circulated without any other or more explicit stipulation, with ease and rapidity. It is by these means, to promise a conformity with the rules and and in such situations, that the minds of men obedience to the government of that society, are so affected and prepared, that the most as the known conditions upon which he is addreadful uproars often arise from the slightest mitted to a participation of its privileges. provocations. When the train is laid, a spark will produce the explosion.

CHAPTER III.

This account of the subject, although spe cious, and patronized by names the most respectable, appears to labour under the following objections: that it is founded upon a supposition false in fact, and leading to dangerous conclusions.

No social compact, similar to what is here

THE DUTY OF SUBMISSION TO CIVIL GO- described, was ever made or entered into in re

VERNMENT EXPLAINED.

THE subject of this chapter is sufficiently distinguished from the subject of the last, as the motives which actually produce civil obedience, may be and often are, very different from the reasons which make that obedience a duty.

ality: no such original convention of the people was ever actually holden, or in any country could be holden, antecedent to the existence of civil government in that country. It is to suppose it possible to call savages out of caves and deserts, to deliberate and vote upon topics. which the experience, and studies, and refine ments, of civil life, alone suggest. Therefore In order to prove civil obedience to be a mo- no government in the universe began from ral duty, and an obligation upon the conscience, this original. Some imitation of a social comit hath been usual with many political writers pact may have taken place at a revolution. The (at the head of whom we find the venerable present age has been witness to a transaction, name of Locke,) to state a compact between which bears the nearest resemblance to this the citizen and the state, as the ground and political idea, of any of which history has precause of the relation between them: which served the account or memory: I refer to the compact, binding the parties for the same ge- establishment of the United States of North neral reason that private contracts do, resolves America. We saw the people assembled to ethe duty of submission to civil government into lect deputies, for the avowed purpose of framthe universal obligation of fidelity in the per- ing the constitution of a new empire. We formance of promises. This compact is two-saw this deputation of the people deliberating fold: and resolving upon a form of government, erecFirst, an express compact by the primitive ting a permanent legislature, distributing the founders of the state, who are supposed to have functions of sovereignty, establishing and pro convened for the declared purpose of settling mulgating a code of fundamental ordinances, the terms of their political union, and a future which were to be considered by succeeding ge constitution of government. The whole body nerations, not merely as laws and acts of the is supposed, in the first place, to have unani-state, but as the very terms and conditions of mously consented to be bound by the resolu- the confederation; as binding not only upon tions of the majority; that majority, in the the subjects and magistrates of the state, but next place, to have fixed certain fundamental as limitations of power, which were to control regulations; and then to have constituted, ei- and regulate the future legislature. Yet even ther in one person, or in an assembly (the rule here much was presupposed. In settling the of succession, or appointment, being at the constitution, many important parts were presame time determined,) a standing legislature, sumed to be already settled. The qualifications to whom, under these pre-established restric-of the constituents who were admitted to vote