It is not to be supposed, however, that his views on the French Revolution were philosophically correct. He was perhaps too close to it to understand its nature. It was really nothing but the revolt of a noble, civilized, and intelligent race against centuries of intolerable oppression. Even the reign of terror caused only four thousand deaths, about one two-hundredth as many as resulted from the Seven Years' War and an inconsiderable number in comparison with the ten millions or so who perished to satisfy Hohenzollern ambition 1914-1918. Thomas Paine asked pointedly, having reference to Burke's lamentations for the fate of Marie Antoinette, if men were to weep over the plumage and forget the dying bird, meaning that the fate of the French aristocracy mattered little while the people were starving. Burke quarreled with Fox over the French Revolution and Fox said that it was lucky for Burke that he took the royal side, because his violence would certainly have got him hanged if he had taken the other.

Burke died 1797 and was buried according to his own wish near his country home at Beaconsfield, although Fox generously proposed in Parliament that he be interred in Westminster Abbey.

In person Burke was about five feet ten inches tall, an expert athlete when young, and entirely free from what he called "that master vice, Sloth." There are good portraits of him by Reynolds, Rommey, and Barry. His manners were based on principles that deserve imitation. "Never," he said, “permit yourself to be outdone in courtesy by your inferiors." Censoriousness, in his opinion, is allied to none of the virtues. He had no personal vices; Doctor Parr speaks of his unspotted innocence, his firm integrity; and Bishop O'Beirne said: "If there be an obscure point in the life or conduct of Edmund Burke, the moment the explanation arrives it will be found to redound to his honour." He had no taste for pursuits that kill time. Of his oratory perhaps the most striking characteristic was originality. When

Johnson was asked if Burke resembled Cicero, he replied: "No, Sir. He resembles Edmund Burke." Possibly the best, certainly the most famous, sketch of his character is, however, from the pen of Goldsmith:

Here lies our good Edmund, whose genius was such
We scarcely can praise it or blame it too much,
Who, born for the universe, narrowed his mind,
And to party gave up what was meant for mankind.
Though fraught with all learning, yet straining his throat
To persuade Tommy Townshend to lend him a vote;
Who, too deep for his hearers, still went on refining,
And thought of convincing while they thought of dining;
Though equal to all things, for all things unfit;
Too nice for a statesman, too proud for a wit;
For a patriot too cool, for a drudge disobedient,
And too fond of the right to pursue the expedient.
In short, 'twas his fate, unemployed or in place, Sir,
To eat mutton cold, and cut blocks with a razor.

SUGGESTIONS TO TEACHERS

PERHAPS the following method of studying Burke's Speech on Conciliation may prove to be of some assistance to teachers who have not already worked out a scheme of their own.

1. First of all a student should make himself familiar with Burke's life.

2. He should get in mind the main points of the British constitution.

3. He should make himself familiar with the events between 1760 and 1774 that led to the break between America and the mother country.

4. He should read Burke's Speech through from beginning to end rapidly, his object being simply to get a bird's eye view of the whole speech.

5. He should read it again somewhat more carefully for the purpose of analyzing its structure. In doing this, he should bear in mind that its framework is as follows:

I. Exordium. Paragraphs 1-8. In this the orator endeavors to obtain the attention and good will of his audience. II. Status. Paragraphs 9-14. Here Burke states what he intends to prove.

III. Statement of Facts. Paragraphs 15-46. In these paragraphs Burke describes the situation with which he is to deal, dividing it as follows:

(a) Population of Colonies.
(b) Commerce of Colonies.

(c) Agriculture of Colonies.

Paragraphs 15-16.
Paragraphs 17-28.
Paragraph 29.

(d) Fisheries of Colonies. Paragraph 30.

(e) Force as a means for dealing with such powerful elements. Paragraphs 31-35.

(f) Temper and Character of the Americans. Paragraphs 36-43.

(g) The present state of affairs in America. Paragraphs 44-46.

IV. Argument. Paragraphs 47-118.

(a) Paragraph 47. There are only three ways to deal with the spirit in the Colonies.

1. To change it as inconvenient by removing the causes. 2. To prosecute it as criminal.

3. To comply with it as necessary.

(b) Paragraphs 48-57. To change the spirit by removing the causes is impossible because population in the Colonies cannot be restricted; because it is unwise to impoverish the Colonies; because their temper and character cannot be altered unless we can change their pedigree, alter their religion, interfere with their education, upset their system of slavery, and pump the ocean dry.

(c) Paragraphs 58-63. There is no way to proceed against a nation as criminal because we cannot draw up an indictment against a whole people and we have no tribunal before which they can be tried; moreover, we have tried to treat them as criminals and failed.

(d) Paragraph 64. There is therefore no way open but to comply with the American spirit as necessary.

(e) Paragraphs 65-75. The nature of our concession. should be such as to meet the complaint of the Colonies, that they are taxed in a Parliament in which they are not represented.

(f) Paragraphs 76-85. My plan is to apply to the Colonies the principles found in the cases of Ireland, Wales, Chester, and Durham. In each of these cases the granting of representation in Parliament ended troubles similar to those which now distract America.

(g) Paragraphs 86-118. On account of the distance of the Colonies. I propose that, instead of granting them representation in Parliament, we pass six resolutions affirming the power of the Colonial Assemblies to grant money to the British Government, promising that Parliament will not hereafter seek to impose taxes upon America, and repealing all legislation inconsistent therewith.

V. Refutation. Paragraphs 119-137. Here Burke answers possible objections to his scheme.

VI. Peroration. Paragraphs 138-141. Here Burke sums up in a burst of eloquence seeking to show that it is the spirit of Concord which makes a great empire rather than any system of regulations.

6. If there is time for further study it is recommended that the student read the speech once more, reducing each paragraph to a single sentence. Every well-constructed paragraph contains one idea and only one idea. Burke's paragraphs almost without exception are so constructed and there are few possible exercises in English which are more profitable than this.

7. An additional exercise which is highly profitable if there is time is to read this speech sentence by sentence and word by word, making sure that the pupil understands the meaning of each word, the force of each allusion, and the power of every figure of speech.

8. Before finishing with the study the pupil should reduce the whole speech to one paragraph, which will be constructed as follows:

(a) One sentence embodying the meaning of the Exordium.

(b) One sentence embodying the meaning of the Status. (c) Seven sentences embodying the meaning of the Statement of Facts.

(d) Eight sentences embodying the meaning of the Argument.

(e) One sentence covering the Refutation.

(ƒ) One sentence stating the substance of the Peroration.

THE ENGLISH GOVERNMENT

The English Government in its main outlines is the same as that of the United States. The principles underlying both are identical. The executive in the English Government is