This letter seems to me uncharitable. Dr. Gibbons accuses us of employing "blasphemy and ridicule," of being "impiously daring," of writing in an illiberal and declamatory strain," and of having "cursed and denied God."

I believe it is of all things most difficult to judge ourselves and our works dispassionately and correctly. Yet, after the most careful self-examination, I must adhere to my opinion, that the letter is uncharitable. Its whole tone presupposes wilful and culpable error in us. I do not presume to constitute myself a judge in Dr. Gibbon's case. I cannot look into his heart to read there what were the motives that induced him to secede from the more orthodox of his sect; nor what the reasons may be, that now induce him to disapprove the principles of the Free Enquirer. I have no right to impute to him, in either case, other than upright intentions. And what I am willing thus to accord to him, I feel it to be just that he, on his part, should accord to me in return. Have I, in word or deed, given cause to impute to me unfairness of motive, illiberality of spirit, or dishonesty of speech? I think not. I think that I have been honest in the expression of my own opinions, and charitable towards the opinions of others. If Dr. Gibbons is conscious, in the depth of his own heart, of pure and disinterested motives in his heresy, it seems to me fair that he should attribute to me the same in mine.

In so far as I can judge myself, had I been Dr. Gibbons, (with the opinions he seems to hold,) and had Dr. Gibbons been the editor of the Free Enquirer; had he as such, sent to me number 51 of that paper, and had I desired to reply to it, it would have been as follows:

To the Editors of the Free Enquirer.

I received the number of your paper which, I presume, you sent me, imagining that I might receive benefit from it. I deem it right to inform you, that, though I am willing to hear and examine all opinions, I do not approve of yours. I have made myself fully acquainted with them, and consider their influence to be injurious.

I do not think you will succeed in establishing them. Porphyry, Julian, Faustus, Bolingbroke, Voltaire, Mirabeau, Paine, all used their utmost efforts, and employed no ordinary talents, to subvert christianity. They have failed to do so; and I think that you also will fail.

Yet do I impute to you, as editors of the Free Enquirer, no

sinister or unworthy motives. I regret to believe you in error, and what I can do, in an open and friendly manner, to oppose the dissemination of your principles, I will do. But as I have never acknowledged the right of others to judge me in matters of conscience, so neither will I presume to judge you.

I would caution you against extremes. There have been sceptics who have cursed and denied God, (as I have heard,) even on their death-beds. Take heed how ye be led away with a spirit so illiberal and declamatory. Whether your opinions be true or false, such a spirit as that can never recommend them.

You are young, and (as I think) without experience. As your senior, permit me seriously to press upon you the necessity of well examining both sides of the question. Youth commonly decides hastily, and proceeds rashly to act on its decisions. I will not speak to you of the horrors of infidel deathbeds, because I believe these to have been sometimes misrepresented and still more frequently exaggerated. But I will say-and I trust you will receive it as the words of one who, though a christian, most sincerely desires your well-being-this I will say to you: consider, if, when old age approaches, your heretical opinions should change to christian belief-consider what a painful thing it may be to you, to look back on a life spent in disseminating (even though sincerely) that which you will then see to be delusion and error. Consider how earnestly you will desire, that you had more carefully proved all things, before you became the instruments to spread abroad that which you will then become convinced can neither benefit your fellow creatures in the life which now is, nor in that which is to come.

That you may seriously enquire, may examine, and may be converted to that christianity which I believe to be the only true source of happiness, is the sincere wish of

Your Friend,

W. GIBBONS.

I think this is a better letter than the one Dr. Gibbons wrote; -nay, I am sure it is a better one. The object of all such letters is to produce a beneficial effect on the minds of those to whom they are addressed. Now this last letter would have produced a much greater and more beneficial effect on my mind, than the one I actually received. I should, indeed, have thought Dr. Gibbons, as I now think him, deceived by early prepossessions into error; but I could not then have helped acknowledging, at the same time, that he was a good-hearted, charitable, honest, and liberal man. R. D. OWEN.

POPULAR TRACTS.

NO. 3.

CONTAINING

AN

ADDRESS TO THE INDUSTRIOUS CLASSES;

A SKETCH

OF A

SYSTEM OF NATIONAL EDUCATION,

BY FRANCES WRIGHT;

AND

AN ADDRESS TO THE CONDUCTORS OF THE NEW-YORK

PERIODICAL PRESS,

BY ROBERT DALE OWEN.

NEW-YORK:

PUBLISHED AT THE OFFICE OF THE FREE ENQUIRER.

The address to the working classes, by Frances Wright, is from the Free Enquirer of the 5th of December; the subsequent sketch of a system of National Education, is from Frances Wright's lecture on Existing Evil, as delivered in the Arch-street Theatre, Philadelphia; and the address to the conductors of the New-York Press, was first published in the Free Enquirer of November 28th; and was called forth by the repeated efforts made in the principal city papers, to associate heterodoxy in opinion with imprudence in political reform.

*** I sent a copy of the Free Enquirer, containing the article addressed to the conductors of the New-York periodical press, as I promised, to all the principal city papers, who have lately devoted so large a portion of their columns to the abuse of our persons, and misrepresentation (intentional or unintentional) of our principles; yet not one of these papers, so far as I can learn, have copied or in any way adverted to it. It is difficult, with the best desire of judging all things in charity, to suppose purity of motive in conduct like this. But, whatever the motive, it is but just to ourselves and the public, that we employ the only medium now remaining at our command, and give this explanation of our views to the public in pamphlet form.

It merits a careful perusal.

R. D. O.

TO THE

INTELLIGENT AMONG THE WORKING CLASSES,

AND GENERALLY

TO ALL HONEST REFORMERS.

THE industrious classes have been called the bone and marrow of the nation; but they are in fact the nation itself. The fruits of their industry are the nation's wealth; their moral integrity and physical health is the nation's strength; their ease and independence is the nation's prosperity; their intellectual intelligence is the nation's hope. Where the producing laborer and useful artisan eat well, sleep well, live comfortably, think correctly, speak fearlessly, and act uprightly, the nation is happy, free, and wise. Has such a nation ever been? No. Can such a nation ever be? Answer, men of industry of the United States! If such can be, it is here. If such is to be, it must be your work.

You are learning

Here the people govern; and you are the people. And you are becoming apprized of this. your power. In New-York, in Philadelphia, in Boston, in Baltimore, you have looked round and distinguished that all is not well. In Philadelphia you have tried your strength; in New-York you have proved it. In New-York, six thousand votes have appeared at once in the ballot box, on which you had written REFORM.

This has been, indeed, a show of strength, and a sign of determination. As such it has been hailed far and wide, by every friend of human improvement. Through the counties of this powerful state, every mind looks to the metropolis. There they have touched the lever who alone can move it. The people have aroused themselves where they are the strongest in the cities. There at length they have said, "We have the power, and we will use it." Yes, men of industry! you have the power; and it is now with you wisely to steer the vessel of the state into safe harbor, or rashly to peril it in the deeps and shallows of anarchy and stormy contention.

Much, I will not say all, depends on your first mov