of no instance where the usual wages were offered, and where they were refused. The fourth was, that this crop could not be taken off: in this they were wrong, as it has been taken off in many places much earlier than usual; and if protracted in others, it has been as much from the weather, and the refusal to give wages in many instances, as from any other cause affecting the success of the

new system.

14. Having been driven from all these points, they have now created for themselves a fresh object of terror, namely, the next year's crop. On this point I have had some doubts myself all along, and therefore send the information I have received, in order that judgment may be given by others. I freely confess, that the report is, on the whole, much more favorable than I ever expected.

15. That the manufacture and cultivation of sugar has been conducted on the most antiquated system possible, and has received the least possible assistance from the modern improvements in machinery. The plough is hardly ever used; where adopted this year from necessity, it has answered completely. The cattle mills, which are so general, must be abandoned, as they work so very slowly that they cannot meet the diminished hours of labor of the field gangs.

16. That the ginger, arrow-root, and coffee plantations, are as flourishing as ever they were known to be.

17. That the negroes will improve, because they have done so since the first of August, gradually but certainly, in all parts where severity has not been practised.

18. That they have had very little encouragement from many of the managers. 19. That in the whole of the early part, the number of Special Magistrates was quite insufficient, and this affects them more than might be at first imagined, as they shew unlimited confidence in those, (the great majority, I am proud to say) who treat them with true kindness.

20. That they passed their holidays at Christmas in an unusually orderly manner, and that there was, literally speaking, I verily believe, not twenty absentees from their labor on the 29th of December, and that they worked on New-Year's day without a murmur.

21. That there has been as yet no increase of religious instruction or education, and very little of good example. That the crop this year has been taken off without a single instance of resistance, and of a superior quality to that heretofore made.

22. That there has been less stock lost this year than usual.

23. That they have in most instances worked cheerfully, day and night (when allowed to do so by night), for hire, on five days of the week.

24. That they now dig cane holes in many parts of the island at one half-penny per hill, earning a dollar a-day, often digging 160 in a day, when seventy to eighty was their task during Slavery.

25. That several planters reluctantly confess, that more work has been done this year than the fast, and that many objections have been made to my comparing this year's work to the last, because it was notorious they did not work at all last year.

26. That the amount of this year's is not, therefore, to be attributed to the exertions of the last year of slavery, as has been asserted. That every one confesses that things are going on, though not at all well, much better than they expected. 27. That there has been a singular want of uniformity in the administration of the law, which was not and could not be got over, till after some months' experience of it.

28. That there has been a great variance in their allowances, indulgences, and rates of payment.

29. That many have not been paid at all, but have been persuaded by the managers to give additional labor for their old allowances.

30. That the planters looked upon the Specials with great jealousy; and it was a struggle at first, in many places, to maintain as many of their old rights as possible.

31. That many planters have openly and loudly expressed their conviction, that the plan must be a perfect failure.

32. That many of the managers, though, thank God, not all, still maintain their former habits towards them, as far as the law allows them.

33. That there has been little time for the apprentices to reconcile their feelings to their former oppressors.

When all these things are recollected, and it is seen that under all these disadvantages they have behaved so well, and shewn such improvement, may it not naturally be inferred, that they are in a state of progressive amendment?

Thus much for the conduct of the apprentices. What now has been that of the whites? Of some of the managers I cannot speak too highly; but then they have reaped the fruit of their wisdom in the remarkable success which has attended their efforts. A reference to the reports, will show what success has attended the efforts of some, and how deplorable is the state of some of the properties under the management of others, though enjoying precisely similar advantages.

On the whole, I come to the conclusion, that the perfect success of the new system during the continuance of the apprenticeship, depends entirely on the conduct of the white people, and that if it fails, on them will rest the entire blame.

(Signed)

SLIGO.

At our last advices from London, an inquiry into the working of the apprenticeship system was going on before a Committee of the House of Commons. Dr. Madden, who brought the intelligence, was the first witness examined. He is of opinion that the inquiry, if it does no more, will result in shortening the apprenticeship. Dr. Madden has proceeded to Cuba as an agent of the British government for the suppression of the slave trade.

STATISTICS OF SLAVERY.

THE following valuable letter from JOHN FARMER, Esq. was only reserved from appearing in the last number, in the hope that the Editor would be able to bring it out in connection with other important statistics. But up to this day the pressure of other matters has prevented any further attention to the subject. Contributions from the pen of the accomplished historian of New Hampshire will always be welcome to our pages.

PROFESSOR E. WRIGHT,

Concord, N. H. 1st February, 1836.

Dear Sir,-My object in writing at this time is to furnish you with some additional statistics, and to correct one or two slight errors on the 3d page of the cover [of No. 2.] First, I will present you with the number of people of color in New England at different periods before the first U. States' Census was taken, which I derive from authentic sources.

From Holmes' Annals, Vol. II. p. 540, it appears that there were in 1761, in New Hampshire, 278 ratable polls of blacks. There were 102 in Portsmouth alone.

The very gradual increase of the people of color in New England is observable as appears from the following.

In 1830, there were in New England 81 colored persons who were 100 years old and upwards. The number of whites at the same time was 35. Of the colored population therefore, there were living, of 100 years and upwards, 1 to every 263, while of the white population there was only 1 to 55,235. In New Hampshire there were at that time 3 colored persons of 100 years and upwards, and 10 whites. There have been a number of colored persons in this State who have died at the age of more than a century. The names, of but few have been preserved, as it was formerly thought of very little consequence to publish the deaths of such persons. In 1816, there died at Nottingham, Zene, a colored person, said to be 101; in Canterbury, Deborah, aged 102, died the same year. In 1818, Corydon died in Exeter, aged 100. In October, 1823, there was living in Portsmouth, a woman of color, whose name was Molly Miles, whose birth was recorded in the parish records of Kittery as occurring in May, 1719.

The errors on the cover to which I alluded, respect the time slavery was abolished in Vermont and this State. It is to the honor of Vermont that it was the first State to abolish slavery, and I will copy from their Constitution, adopted in convention at Windsor, 2d July, 1777, that section by whch they expressly and totally excluded slavery from their government. I hope to see in the Magazine, extracts from laws and constitutions, showing the time and manner it was abol ished in each of the free States, or at least the New England States. To the extract.

"That all men are born equally free and independent, and have certain natural, inherent, and unalienable rights, among which are the enjoying and defending life and liberty; acquiring, possessing, and protecting property, and in pursuing and obtaining happiness and safety. Therefore, no male person, born in this country, or brought from over sea, ought to be holden by law, to serve any person, as a servant, slave, or apprentice, after he arrives to the age of twenty-one years, nor female, in like manner, after she arrives at the age of eighteen years, unless they are bound by their own consent, after they arrive to such age, or bound by law, for the payment of debts, damages, fines, costs, or the like." Declaration of Rights, Chap. I. sec. 1.

It appears, therefore, that slavery was virtually abolished in Vermont in 1777, not in 1793. In New Hampshire, it was abolished by the Constitution which was adopted in 1783, and went into effect in June, 1784. In 1792, the Constitution was amended, but there were no alterations of those articles in the Bill of Rights which affected the "natural, essential, and inherent rights" of "ALL MEN." date, therefore, of the abolishing of slavery in New Hampshire should be 1784. I trust you will excuse the few facts and corrections which I have given,-and which are communicated with the hope that they may at some time be of use.

I remain, dear sir, your friend and

fellow laborer in the cause
of equal rights,

The

JOHN FARMER.

NOTICES OF NEW PUBLICATIONS.

"THE TRIAL OF REUBEN CRANDALL, M. D., charged with publishing seditious libels, by circulating the publications of the AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY. Before the Circuit Court for the District of Columbia, held at Washington, in April, 1836, occupying the court the period of ten days. New-York, H. R. Piercy, 7 Theatre Alley, 1836." pp. 62.

This prosecution was brought under the common law, and the indictment set forth that the accused was guilty of publishing "malicious and wicked libels, with the intent to excite sedition and insurrection among the slaves and free coloured people of the District." The three counts replied upon give the libellous matter, and it is remarkable that they contain nothing which either possesses more adaptation or argues more intention to excite sedition and insurrection among the slaves than does the Declaration of Independence. We have, then to all intents and purposes, a criminal prosecution in the city of WASHINGTON, against a publisher of the Declaration of Independence! And how does the, accused escape punishment? By the inability of the public prosecutor to show that he had ever put in circulation more than a single copy of the seditious bill of rights, and that to an individual who it was not to be supposed would make an improper use of it! But what if he had published? What if he had given his publications, as he had a perfect right to do, to every inhabitant of the District? His liberty or his life would have been the forfeit! There can be no doubt from this trial that the court held the matter charged to be libellous, and the amount of it is that in the District of Columbia the Declaration of Independence is libellous, provided the publisher believes in it. Selling a freeman for his jail fees, is no libel-that has no tendency to "excite sedition and insurrection," but to publish the truth about it, or make a picture of it,—that is a gross libel-a high crime and misdemeanor.

We hope the public will remember that Dr. Crandall lay in jail eight months, in the Federal City, and was brought in jeopardy of his life for holding the sentiments of the Declaration of Independence and lending a publication which aims to enforce them. He has suffered great losses and the sale of his pamphlet ought to some extent to remunerate him.

"SONGS OF THE FREE, and Hymns of Christian Freedom: 'Suited to such as visit at the shrine of Serious Liberty.'-Percival. Boston: Isaac Knapp, Washington Street, 1836." pp. 228.

"The devoted friends of Freedom, every where," are under great obligations, if they did but know it, to the talented compiler of this little book, Mrs. M. W. CHAPMAN, nor can they neglect without great ingratitude the laborious, fearless and indefatigable printer and publisher who has taken the best care that good po. etry should not be spoiled with bad type. Yet both as an abolitionist and a critic we could wish the book of a more pocketable size. It certainly contains a good pocket-full of Lyrics which to us are the most spirit-stirring in the language, but the bulk of these is, we think, inconveniently increased by others, which, though they may have on the wedding-garment of poetry, are rather dull guests in such company. To two of the hymns we have a more decided objection. We cannot but think that Montgomery did justice neither to himself nor his subject when he

accomodated Moore's delightful melody of Miriam to the First of August, 1834. We dislike these accomodations. Such doings when perpetrated upon true poets, irritabile genus, are both sacrilegious and piratical. And surely the glorious disenthralment of 800,000 slaves is the last jubilee that we would celebrate with a borrowed trumpet. The parody of Heber's incomparable missionary hymn is even worse than the other, for it is not half done. But all this notwithstanding, the book is above price, and it is just because we think it so, that we have ventueed to point out one or two motes.

“LECTURES ON SLAVERY, by REV. BENJAMIN GODWIN, D, D. author of Lectures on Atheism.-From the London Edition, with additions, &c. Boston: James B. Dow. 1836." 12mo. pp. 258.

This is a reprint of one of the ablest and most useful works that were called forth by the abolition discussion in Great Britain. Its arguments hold with all, and perhaps more than all their original force against American Slavery. So far as the lapse of six years has thrown the Lectures behind the circumstances of the present controversy, the deficiency is made up by the valuable notes of the American Editor.-The latter, however, we must say, has not much mended the flaw of the author on the subject of compensation. It is a good book.

"THE ENEMIES OF THE CONSTITUTION Discovered, or an inquiry into the origin and tendency of popular violence. Containing a complete and circumstantial account of the unlawful proceedings at the city of Utica, October 21st., 1835: the dispersion of the State Anti-Slavery Convention by the agitators, the destruction of a democratic press, and of the causes which led thereto. Together with a concise treatise on the practice of the court of his honor Judge Lynch. &c., &c. BY DEFENSOR. New-York: Leavitt, Lord & Co., 180 Broadway. G. Tracy, Utica. 1836." 12mo. pp. 183.

This is a very full and circumstantial and we may add correct account, from the pen of a disinterested eye witness, of one of the most alarming, and disgraceful outrages which liberty every suffered in our country.

"LECTURES OF GEORGE THOMPSON, with a full report of the discussion between Mr. Thompson and Mr. Borthwick, the proslavery agent, held at the Royal Amphitheatre, Liverpool, Eng, and which continued for six evenings with unabated interest: compiled from various English Editions. Also a brief history of his connexion with the Anti Slavery cause in England. By WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. Boston, published by Isaac Knapp, 1836." 12mo. pp. 190. Whoever has listened to the rapturous, impetuous, cataract eloquence of George Thompson, will not so much wonder that his reporters have failed fairly to write him down, as that they did not give up in utter despair. These speeches are not George Thompson; yet, like pictures of rainbows, forked lightning, and the starry concave, there is something of glory in them which will do very well till you compare them with the original. We remember that before we heard our friend lecture, or dreamed of his coming to this country, we used to wonder whether his printed controversy with Borthwick were not an improvement upon the spoken one. We advise the American public, for their own credit, first to buy the book and then recall the man.