human nature are endeavoring to lift from under the feet of tyrants. There is no class of men who more patiently wait the law's delay than the slaveholders, when a white of their own class is the criminal. But when a poor man of "negro-blood,"-though copiously diluted with the best white blood of Carolina-presumes to imitate them, and act on the same principle of violence, which with them is almost too honorable for law to interfere with, the law is too tardy an instrument of vengeance. The culprit must die on the spot like a mad beast. He must suffer not only for his own sins, but for all the sins of his white friends. A burnt sacrifice must be made of him, to intimidate the abolitionists, and appease the insulted spirit of the South.

The charge of Judge Lawless, then, is not to be viewed as a mere connivance at an illegal, though generous outburst of popular sympathy. It is a traitorous surrender of the last shred of legal protection of the colored man, or of any of his friends, at the South, or wherever else such a decision may have authority. It gives the solemn sanction of law to any and every outrage that a sufficiently large mob may choose to perpetrate, and it points out a class of suitable victims. It was the business of the Judge to charge the Grand Jury to find indictments against the perpetrators of a pro-slavery murder. What does he do? He in effect tells the Grand Jury, if they find the murder to have been such, to have been the fruit of that madness which pervades the South-to leave the murderers to themselves, and turn their attention to the St. Louis Observer, and the antislavery publications! Here, he tells them, is the fons malorum. He is satisfied without any inquiry, and without directing the inquest to make any, that McIntosh was under "abolitionist influence." Does it not follow from this lawless charge, that if the citizens of St. Louis could with impunity burn the deluded McIntosh, much more might they burn with impunity the Rev. E. P. Lovejoy, the editor of the St. Louis Observer?

This charge is the last link of a complete demonstration, that the slaveholding states are determined to persist in a flagrant violation of the constitution of the United States. While we at the North are nursing the Union, and framing all sorts of anathemas to be poured upon the head of him who shall dare impiously to ask the value of it, the slave

holding South, in one phalanx, is trampling upon the conditions of that Union, and haughtily proclaiming her determination to continue to do so. When our fathers entered into the union, it was on the express condition that the rights of the citizen should be every where under the shield of law. The citizens of each state were to be entitled to all the privileges and immunities of citizens in the several states. No person was to be deprived of life, liberty, or property without due process of law. No person was to be punished for any crime, without a fair trial before an impartial jury, without having full information of the charge brought against him, nor without being confronted with the witnesses against him, and having compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor. The people were to be secure against unreasonable searches and seizures, and against excessive, cruel, and unusual punishments. Above all, every citizen was to enjoy that noblest privilege of republicanism, FREEDOM OF SPEECH AND OF THE PRESS. Now, it is most arrant trifling with both our rights and our dignity, to pretend that these conditions have not every one of them, by the slaveholding states, been trampled under foot. There is not a country upon earth where a man has less liberty or is in more danger of brutal and arbitrary punishment, than is the citizen of a northern state in the southern half of this republic! He must owe his safety to an unmanly suppression or disavowal of every correct opinion in regard to human rights, and of every humane feeling towards the victims of oppression all around him. If he would not be physically outraged or murdered, by a now lawlessly legalized mob, he must crawl through the South on the hands and knees of his moral being. It is notoriously true, that he cannot hope to enjoy any one of the conditions stipulated for him when this Union was formed. And what worse can be said of the vilest tyranny that ever existed? There never was one where a citizen could not be tolerably safe, if he would consent to crawl.

Unhappily there is no need of our adducing facts to substantiate this charge. They are fresh in the memories of all. They are scattered all over the history of slavery. They are so common that they have ceased to excite attention. It has come to be considered a settled point that if the citizen of a northern state is "lynched" at the South, nobody must

complain about it lest it should endanger the Union! Our fathers threw their republicanism into joint stock with the republicanism of the South. Whatever may have been the value of the stock originally brought in by the southern partner, it has long since become a negative quantity, and the demand is that our part shall be subjected to the same process. And many profess to be astonished that there should be any hesitation to comply with so reasonable a request. Law has not always reigned at the North. In the case of the Charlestown convent riot, cited by Judge Lawless, there was, as we have no disposition to deny, a most gross and shameful delinquency; though we never heard that the Judge charged the Grand Jury not to find indictments, provided the mob turned out to have been composed of a considerable portion of the people of Charlestown. But that case had no bearing upon the great compact between the North and the South. So far as regards that compact, we have done every thing that we agreed to. Up to this moment the rights of a southern citizen, let him say or print what he will, are as secure at the North as those of any of our citizens. Suppose some southern desperado, induced by the large rewards offered for the principal abolitionists, had murdered one of them, or any other man, m the streets of Utica. Would he have been wrested from the officers of justice by an infuriated mob? Would he have been burnt in chains? Would a northern judge have then charged the grand inquest of Oneida county to inquire whether the diabolical act were that of the "few," or the "many," and indict accordingly? Would he have added that the crime was, no doubt, instigated by the pro-slavery editors, and recommend a memorial to the legislature for a law to punish them? Most certainly nothing like this, or any part of it, could have happened. It would have been out of all character. And, be it observed, we have sup posed a case of natural and obvious connection between the criminal provocation and the policy of the South, whereas in the attack of the mulatto McIntosh upon the deputy Sheriff Hammond, first in behalf of some quarrelling sailors (whites we suppose), and secondly, to save him

* None of the accounts we have seen designate the color, as they doubtless would have done had it been other than white.

self from a punishment which he considered unjustly severe, there is no indication at all of any abolition influence, save what the judge, more learned than lawful, has pleased to fancy. The poor wretch professed his hostility to the whole white race-when they were dragging him to the stakehe sang and prayed in the flames, hence the judge infers he was under "abolitionist influence"!!-No. We repeat it, nothing like this has been done or ever will be at the North. We have stood to the bargain to the letter. But the South has not. She has violated every article of it which she pleased to fancy was likely, if kept, to interfere with her system of licensed robbery, lust, and murder. And now, what we ask of our fellow citizens of the North is, not that they should tear in pieces, and scatter to the winds this viofated, insulted bond of Union; but that they would have the manhood to require the parties of the other part to govern themselves by the terms of the compact, as they are expressed on the face of the Constitution to which they have

sworn.

FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE.

BRITISH WEST INDIES.

THOUGH the facts we have heretofore given are perfectly conclusive of the safety of the immediate and unqualified emancipation of the most degraded slaves, and though there is not one of all the Reverend Rabbies who preach the unfitness of the slaves for freedom, that dares deny one syllable of these facts, yet we deem it our duty to give 'line upon line.' We have just received, from the office of the London Anti-Slavery Society, a pamphlet of 68 octavo pages, entitled "STATEMENTS AND OBSERVATIONS on the working of the laws for the abolition of slavery throughout the British Colonies, and on the PRESENT STATE OF THE NEGRO POPULATION, March 1st, 1836." This pamphlet contains the most abundant and conclusive evidence that the masters have availed themselves of the power still indulged to them in the apprentice system, to abuse their former slaves to such an extent, that they have forfeited all claim to the continuance of that indulgence. But that to which we wish principally to call the attention of the reader, is the good conduct of the negro, whether fully or partly emancipated.

The almost universally good conduct of the apprentices, is so generally known and acknowledged, as to render it scarcely necessary to enter on the subject here, or to give at any considerable length, documents in proof of it.

Their excellent and praiseworthy conduct at the period when the Emancipation act came into operation, was noticed in the postcript to the last number of the 'Anti-Slavery Reporter' (No. 112). Since that period, there has been no falling off in this respect: all parties, with the exception of some of the least respectable class of planters of the old school of Slavery, have expressed themselves satisfied with their general conduct. Governors and Lieutenant-governors, Bishops, and the Clergy of all denominations, military commanders and civil functionaries, have coincided in adding the testimony of their approbation. This will be sufficiently shown by the few extracts which follow.

JAMAICA-Extract of a Despatch from the Marquis of Sligo, Governor of Jamaica, to Lord Glenelg, dated 21st June, 1835.

The following are a few memoranda respecting Jamaica, the result of some consideration and observation, combined with the best information that could be procured :

1. The quality of the sugar made this year is bona fide far superior to what has been heretofore made by night work on the majority of estates in this island. 2. There has been by far less stock lost in this year's crop than in that of preceding years, and in many places, it has been taken off by a smaller number.

3. The stock are, generally speaking, in much better condition this year, than they were at the close of any former year's crop, when they have been so weak that many of them have died in consequence.

4. That, the apprentices generally are evidently becoming more reconciled to the system, and work cheerfully for money hire, both night and day, and that they are becoming better behaved every day.

5. That, they may be expected still further to improve, as soon as they begin to feel the natural impetus of education and religion, and as they get rid of the system of deceit which Slavery occasioned, in order to save them from oppres

6. That several estates will exceed the present crop in the next year, and the majority will equal it.

7. That when this is not the case, it can be traced to sufficient causes, independent of the loss of labor, which of course must have considerable effect, when it is recollected that on many estates the slaves were compelled not only to work day and night as long as nature would allow of it, and in such manner as their bodily endurance would permit, for the six week days, but were often compelled to pot sugar on the Sunday.

8. That a manifest supineness has been exhibited on several plantations, by the fact that the next year's crops are often estimated at much more than the presentI know of several individual instances of persons declining to put in plant canes last year, in consequence of the certainty, by anticipation, which they felt that the crop would not be taken off at all.

9. The returns I send home herewith, will show that the preparations for the next year's crop have not been so entirely neglected as has been asserted.

10. That "the new system" furnished a most admirable excuse for any failures and neglects which may have taken place, and which will not therefore be attributed to their real cause.

11. My conviction is, that in many instances, the opinions of individuals are much more favorable as to future prospects, than they choose to allow, and I offer, in proof of it, the reluctance which has been shown in but too many instances to my getting any information upon the subject.

12. That the overseers in many, I will fearlessly say, very many instances, have not given hearty co-operation to the new law, feeling themselves shorn of all their beams by its operation.

13. That many of the attorneys and managers have been so loud in their assertions of the failure of the system, that they are now unwilling to admit the errors of their opinions.

The first prophecy was, blood and destruction on the first of August: in this they were wrong. The second, that this scene would take place at Christmas, as it had not taken place in August: in this they were wrong. The third, that the apprentices would not work for wages: in this they were wrong, as I know