island did not exceed 375,000 souls. In 1824, it amounted by the government census to 935,335.*

All this has been achieved beneath the frowns of the whole, so called, civilized world. France was not content with the atrocities of Rochambeau. The sovereignty which she could not regain by violence, she sought to recover by intrigue and bribery. Repeatedly she sent her commissioners to skulk along the shores of Hayti and excite dissensions among her chiefs. When these disgraceful measures proved unavailing, she sent Baron Mackau with fourteen ships of war to offer a recognition of independence on condition that France should pay but half the duties required of other nations and should receive in five equal annual instalments the sum of 150,000,000 francs! The government of Hayti has been reproached as pusillanimous be cause it did not resist this insolent and unrighteous claim. But Hayti was for peace. She paid the whole sum rather than renew the horrors of Le Clerc and Rochambeau. Says a French geographical work, published last year in Paris, "It is well known that the chambers of this republic voted the sum of 150,000,000 francs to indemnify, so far as practicable, the ancient French colonists. The last instalment has been paid in 1835. This is a rare example in such a case, and worthy of record." L' Amerique &c. Let the magnifiers of Haytian "horrors" and Haytian poverty and desolation account both for the disposition and the ability to pay for peace on such terms.

After most of this article had passed through the press we had the good fortune to procure a copy of Mackenzie's "Notes on Haiti," from which it appears that Edwards' story of the connection of Ogé, with the Amis des Noirs, had even less foundation than we supposod. Mackenzie seems to have been disposed to give currency to this calumny, but as Mr. Clarkson was by some of the French pro-slavery writers included in

Mackenzie questions the truth of this and brings forward as the correct census a detailed statement which was laid on the table of the Haytian Chamber of Commons, in 1826, which makes a total of 423,042. This, however, has been shown to have been only an estimate of the portion of the community called on to contribute to the French indemnity.

the same conspiracy, he thought it prudent before his publication to apply to that philanthropist for information. The statement of Mr. Clarkson convinced Mackenzie that Ogé was driven to London by "pecuniary difficulties" and that he had bought this "lieutenant-colonelcy" himself. Notes &c. Vol. II. p. 18. Ogé fled from Paris to escape lodgings in jail, the persecution of his enemies, the white planters, having deprived him of the means of paying for lodgings elsewhere; and Clarkson, who had been known to him in Paris, paid his passage to America, purely through fear that the presence of such a person in London might injure the cause of the abolition of the slave trade! If the Amis des Noirs had smiled upon the designs of Ogé they would at least have paid his bills. See Clarkson's Letters, published at length in the appendix of Mackenzie's Notes. Vol. II. p. 246.

Our apology for this protracted dissertation must be found in the incalculable importance of the subject. Our country is the seat of the most cruel and unrelenting prejudice of caste, that exists, probably, on the face of this planet. This prejudice, and its inseparable curse, slavery, the most powerful minds in our country have sought to eternize. And to this end they have taken the case of St. Domingo and thrown the odium of its horrors, which are justly due only to its slavery, upon the holy doctrine of equal human rights. No less a man than JOHN MARSHALL, in his biography of the father of our country, holds such language as this: "Of that malignant philosophy which, disregarding the actual state of the world, and estimating at nothing the miseries of a vast portion of the human race, can cooly and deliberately pursue through oceans of blood, abstract systems for the attainment of some fancied, untried good, early and bitter fruits were gathered in the French West Indies. Instead of proceeding in the correction of abuses which might exist, by those slow and cautious steps which gradually introduce reform without ruin, which may prepare and fit society for that better state of things designed for them; and which, by not attempting impossibilities, may enlarge the circle of happiness; the revolutionists of France formed the mad and wicked project of spreading the doctrines of equality among persons, between whom there exist distinctions and prejudices to be subdued only by the GRAVE." If we have not labored in vain, it appears that history

proves such language to be as FALSE, as conscience and revelation prove it to be WICKED.

1. Slavery stored the magazine of insurrection, and slaveholders alone applied the torch.

2. St. Domingo furnishes the most dangerous conceivable case for the application of immediate abolition. Yet such abolition was not only safety but salvation, though applied at the last moment of the eleventh hour.

3. In spite of the two most powerful nations in the world and of all the vices engendered by slavery, the emancipated slaves of St. Domingo have not only improved in industry but have regulated themselves by wise laws, and have increased in arts, comforts, and population beyond any paral

lel.

These are facts which it is vital to our country to know and regard.

WHITEFIELD AND THE SLAVEHOLDERS.

George Whitefield was as much a "fanatic" in his day as George Thompson, and came as near teaching that "slaves ought to cut their masters' throats." He met with the same revilings from slaveholders, both clerical and laical, as our friend Thompson has done. He excited the same demoniac outcry, Let us alone, "Art thou come hither to torment us before the time." Well, we have waited a hun dred years and still it is "before the time!" Our Theological Reviewers tell us it is not time yet, for emancipation, and will not be time till the slaves are taught. The Rev. Plummers and Baileys of the south tell us it is not time yet, and, if it were, we have no right to intermeddle. They say the owners use their slaves with all due humanity; if they do not teach them all they ought to, they are about to do so, and that our rash denunciations only mar all their incipient plans, and make the slave the worse off. Well, this song was sung, as we shall presently see, in 1740, and lacks but four years of being a century old.---Nay, it is as old as slavery itself. It was on the lips of the Reverend apologists of British slavery till it was drowned by the Jubilee trumpet on the morning of the First of Aug. 1834. It would be on the lips of our American apologists, our Gurleys and Tracys, our Beechers and Fisks, till the end of time, if slavery could last so long. What if Whitefield and his followers, instead of shunning interference for the peace of the churches, as they called it, had pressed the battle so well begun upon the foul fiend of slavery? Why, we should not have it to fight to-day ;nor would our opponents, the apologists, have been periling their souls in support of slavery to-day! Alas, when will the soldiers of Christ learn that it is bad generalship to leave the fortress of Satan pouring its hot shot and its infernal bombs upon their rear!

About the year 1740, Mr. Whitefield, it seems, wrote a "Letter to the inhabitants of Maryland, concerning the negroes." This was noticed "by Alexander Garden, M. A. Rector of St. Philip's, Charlestown, and Commissary in South Carolina," in the following terms:

"In my humble opinion, sir, had you caused another edition to be printed at Philadelphia of the Bishop of London's Letter to the masters and mistresses of slaves in these parts, and dispersed the copies on your way, as you came through the several provinces, you had done much more effectual service than by the publication of your own. But if you knew of any such letter of his Lordship's being extant, I suppose you'll plead a special call for the publication of your own, and that answers all objections.

"You must inform them, (the inhabitants of Maryland, &c.) you say, in the meekness and gentleness of Christ, &c.—the invective is so apparent throughout this notable epistle, that these can only be taken for some cant terms you accustom yourself to in all your scribblings. But what is it you MUST thus inform them of? Why, that you THINK God has a quarrel with them, fc. Had God sent you charged with this special message, you might well say, you MUST inform them of it; but as 'tis only a matter of your own thoughts, the necessity does not so well appear. Your thoughts in the case may possibly be idle or illgrounded, and so better kept at home. But God you THINK has a quarrel with them, and for their abuse and cruelly to the negroes. That God will have a quarrel with any of the human race for their abuse of and cruelty to others is a very just thought, and sinful out of all doubt it is, for any of those inhabitants to use their negroes as bad, nay worse, than as though they were brutes. But pray, sir, on what grounds do you bring this charge against the generality of those inhabi. tants who own negroes? Do you know this charge to be just and honest? Or have you sufficient evidence to support it? No: you only think it to be so, and fear it and believe it. But on the contrary, I shall presume, and on much better grounds, to think, fear, and believe, that your charge is false and injurious! and that the very reverse of it is true, viz: that what particular exceptions soever there may be as to good usage of slaves, (as some doubtless there are,) yet that the generality of owners use their slaves with all due humanity, whether in respect of work, of food, or raiment. And therefore I farther think and believe, that the generality of owners of slaves in the respective colonies, may bring their actions of slander against you; and that in a certain country I know of, you would be indicted for meddling as you have done in this matter, which may endanger the peace and safety of the community.

"Hitherto we have only your thoughts, your fears, and your belief on the matter; you advance a pace into positive assertions. And perhaps, you say, it might be better for the poor creatures themselves to be hurried out of life, than to be made so miserable, as they generally are in it. And indeed considering what usage they commonly meet with, &c. I suppress the remainder of this, and the next following paragraph of your epistle, as judging it both sinful and dangerous to the public safety to reprint them. More virulence and falsehood cannot be contained in so few lines. For so far are the generality of slaves in these colonies

The sentiment omitted was this, "I wonder they do not either put an end to their own lives or yours rather than bear such usage."

from being miserable, that I dare confidently vouch and affirm, and partly on my own knowledge, that their lives in general are more happy and comfortable in all temporal respects, (the point of liberty only excepted,) than the lives of three-fourths of the hired farming servants and day laborers, either in Scotland, Ireland, or even in many parts of England, who not only labor harder, and fare worse, but have moreover, the care and concern on their minds how to provide for their families, which slaves are entirely exempted from, their children being all provided for at the owner's charge. * * *

"As to the little or no proper care taken by owners of the souls of their slaves} it is too sad a truth; and I tremble to think, what account they will give of it at the great day! A sore evil indeed! but for which, your letter, I conceive, will afford but a poor remedy. I cannot think so ill of any, as you do of most of them, viz: that on purpose, they keep their slaves ignorant of Christianity. I believe the reason of their being so kept, is the want of one certain uniform method of teaching them, and which I hope will soon be established with success. I readily agree that the objection to teaching them Christianity, viz: that it would tend to make them less governable, or worse slaves, is wild and extravagant; but wish you had a little explained, what you mean by the phrases, Christianizing ;—and MADE thorough Christians;-and the gospel preached with power; - whether by these phrases, you mean things in the power of men? For sure I am, that Paul may plant, and Apollos water, but God alone can give the increase. Men may teach true Christianity, but no man can make a true Christian.

"Your compliment on pastors and people, and apprehended difference 'twixt the importation of rum and bibles, are no exceptions to the usual stile, modesty, or manners of your epistles, and particularly of this under consideration, which I have now done with, and remain,

Sir, your very

Humble servant,

ALEX. GARDEN."

"Charlestown, July 30th, 1740."

FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE.

THE most recent accounts from the West Indies are full of encouragement. The extreme reluctance of the planters to acquiesce in the new order of things, appears to be giving way. We are informed by a gentleman of high character and standing, lately arrived from Jamaica, that the remaining time of apprentices is now selling for as much in that colony as the same persons would have brought as slaves for life, previous to the emancipation act; that all fear of insurrection has vanished, and that the Christmas holidays were passed at Kingston, without any disorder calling for the interference of the magistrate.

The following is a letter which has appeared in the New-York Journal of Commerce, from a traveller by no means prejudiced in favor of abolition.

ANTIGUA, Jan. 10, 1936.

We arrived at this charming island a day or two since. Its harbor, or St. John's harbor is safe when once in it, but rather difficult of access. We could