United States without their knowing, why, he probably thought it safest to "let well enough alone." On his return, he was complimented with a public dinner, at which he made a speech, convincing the colonists, we presume, that they could not have slavery, without having war.* Éven now, when war is commenced, no specification of a single act of oppression, of a single infraction of rights, or even the withdrawal of a privilege or indulgence is given. When the United States, with more than two millions of inhabitants revolted, it was thought that "a decent respect for the opinions of mankind," required them "to set forth the causes, which impelled to a separation." The Texians, being some fifty thousand in all, of whom "ten" thousand are undoubtedly opposed to the movement, think it sufficient to cry, come fight for a fine estate!" This is their manifesto-with this they expect to circumvent the consciences of intelligent freemen, and win them to their standard. How sad a degeneracy in the press and the nation, does the bare venturing of such a proposition argue! But they are right; they are wiser in their generation than the children of light. They rely upon slave politicians, and upon the Lynchmen of the south, the speculators and their dependents in the north, upon the profligate and desperate every whereupon the secret countenance, and as soon as it shall be safe, the open protection of the government of the United States. The President, in his late message, announces the singu lar fact, that he had caused both the contending parties in Texas to be notified, that he should permit no violation of our territory by either. This is very extraordinary. What need of such notification. There may be more in it than meets the ear. It was stated in the city papers a few months ago, that the President had been negotiating a treaty with Indians for their lands, lying within the boundaries of Texas! If this be true, it may have a connexion without the mysterious giving out in the message. We trust that our President, for his credit, is not so shameless as this-to Benjamin Lundy, that indefatigable friend of the colored man, informs us in his last number of the Genius of Universal Emancipation, that he was near being mobbed twice in his late tour in Texas, that the "tar and feathers" were prepared, and would have been applied had not a Mexican officer been near, and informed of the proceeding. But fanaticism in favor of slavery is quite innocent. be pretending that Indian tribes in Mexico, can convey a valid title to the sovereignty and soil, when he has treated the claims of the Indians, even to having an existence, and a grave on their ancestral lands in our country, with so little consideration. If we are drawn into a war for Texas, slavery and the slave trade, it will become one of the most eventful contests in history. If we are not drawn in, it will be owing wholly to the forbearance or fears of Mexico. But perhaps she has less to fear from such a contest, than is generally supposed. She has a free and compact population of 9,000,000, a veteran army of 20 to 30,000. She would have the sympathy of all the colored classes, both of African and Indian descent. She has colored officers of both races, a circumstance of vast importance in a war of color as this would be. She would have the sympathy of the civilized world. Great Britain, as the creditor of Mexico to a large amount, as her principal manufacturer and worker of mines, will, if Mexico desires it, lend any assistance to put an impassible barrier against the further progress of the United States on the shores of the Gulf of Mexico. We have been informed that France concurs with the views of Great Britain in this behalf. We shall wait with anxiety the further development of this plot, which we regard as one of the greatest and wickedest that was ever contrived "in the tide of time." FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE. BRITISH COLONIES.-The West India experiment, continues to verify the positions held by American abolitionists, that immediate and unqualified emancipation is perfectly safe, and that the emancipated slaves will readily labor for wages. The conduct of the former slaves of the British colonies, whether free or apprenticed, continues to be admirable. Alas, that so much cannot be said of the masters! To a great extent they have abused the apprenticeship to the continuance of the most revolting horrors of the old system. It seems, that through the original inadequate supply of special magistrates to carry into effect the Act of the Imperial Parliament, the Governors of several colonies have been under the necessity of increasing the number, which they have done by commissioning residents more or less connected with the interests of the masters. The consequence has been, that the special magistrates, to a great extent, have given to the appren tices, such protection as "vultures give to doves." The evasion of the Abolition Act, had become so gross and general, that on the 19th of June, Mr. F. Buxton moved in the House of Commons "That a Select Committee be appointed, to ascertain whether the conditions on which 20 millions were to be granted to the planters of the West India islands and other colonies had been fulfilled." This motion was accompanied with the most abundant evidence that the conditions had not been fulfilled, that the most horrible cruelties, even to the flogging of women, were still perpetrated, while all excuse for such conduct was taken away by the utmost readiness on the part of the apprentices to labor as required by law or more than that for a fair compensation. The success of the experiment in Antigua is complete. Few planters there are not now well satisfied with the change. The following from Mr. BUXTON'S speech is amusing as well as instructive. "In answer to an assertion that it would be difficult to implant a different zest in the minds of the negroes, a person wrote to Mr. Lovings, that he had seen a letter from Antigua, stating that he had collected all his negroes, desiring to know what stores he should send for to England. They all declined ordering any, saying they would wait to see what would be the fashions (loud laughing), and then they would order for themselves. From other authentic sources the following statement was made to him: NUMBER OF PERSONS EMPLOYED [ON A PLANTATION.] Grown persons.. .103 Children under 12... .... 51 154 1834 1835 "Fewer grown persons were employed in 1835, than either of the preceding years, children so reduced as to 2 from 50. What shall we then say of the manager's complaints; and how shall we sympathize with his despondency; or how shall we reconcile with his accounts of the idleness and unbearable laziness of the negroes, such results as these? In the two months received of this year, much more sugar and rum have been made, more field work has been done, than the average, less field work is left to be done, the provision, of which he knew not how he could prepare any, is all done, and all this by fewer hands than in the corresponding months of the two preceding years; with a reduction of 40 per cent. of the numbers employed, 40 per cent. more work done than on the average of the two preceding years.' To this it may be interesting to add the testimony of Mr. INNES, himself a West India planter, which we find in the London Christian Advocate of October 19th 1835. "Towards the end of September, the planters became so much alarmed, that an investigation was instituted; and the Secret Council, to whom it was entrusted, after obtaining returns of the working of the system on upwards of eighty estates (half the number in the island), made a most gloomy report. Gradually, however, the attendance increased; and it is now estimated that there are at work -I do not mean continually laboring, but giving a fair share of labor four or five days in the week-- about two-thirds of those who worked as slaves. The remaining third consists of young persons sent to school by their parents, and of men and women settled in town in various employments. There are very few capable of working who do not work at all; and I have not heard of more than half a dozen who have left the island." More horrors of the apprenticeship have since come to light, and the abolitionists of Great Britain as early as July, were mustering for its overthrow. NOTICES OF NEW PUBLICATIONS. DE. CHANNING ON SLAVERY. Boston, James Monroe & Co. 12mo. pp. 165. THIS little book abundantly rewards the avidity with which it is sought. With an ignorance and misapprehension of the views and measures of immediate abolitionists, which is sufficiently gross, though not unaccountable, Dr. Channing eloquently and unreservedly advocates the very doctrines which have brought down the popular storm upon their devoted heads. Abolitionists will readily perceive that he is much nearer their ground than he supposes himself to be. Most of his censures of their conduct are aimed at things they have never done, and others may well enough be forgotten, in view of the immense benefit he has done to the common cause. It is truly a matter of astonishment that a man who pleads so powerfully for human rights should discard that combined action to which his advocacy necessarily leads. But his absurd notion of substituting "individual action" for that of "affiliated societies" will do little mischief while the public mind continues to be excited to act by such chapters as those on "Property," "Rights," and "The Evils of Slavery." If affiliated societies were not the cause, they would be the effect of just such books as this of Dr. Channing. MEMOIR OF GRANVILLE SHARP, By Charles Stuart, Published by the American Anti-Slavery Society, 12 mo. pp. 156.-We can only say that this memoir of a holy man, and friend of the oppressed, should be in the library of every abolitionist. SUMMARY OF EVENTS. The 21st of October, 1835, will be memorable for two events of great importance in the history of Abolition. 1. The Anti-Slavery Convention at Utica. 2. The anniversary of the Female Anti-Slavery Society of Boston. The convention at Utica, called by 430 citizens resident in all parts of the state, attracted all eyes throughout the union. By political partizans it was regarded as an occasion of immense importance, the dominant party being thrown into terrors, lest by a seeming connivance they should lose the votes of the South, and their opponents thinking it a good opportunity to annoy them by showing a more thorough and efficient devotion to southern interests. Consequently they were by no means idle. The Convention met in the 2d Presbyterian Church, having been prevented by a mobocratic assemblage, from occupying the Court-room, which had been conceded to them by the Common Council, and proceeded to organize a New-York State Anti-Slavery Society. The promptness of the Convention, which was quite unpremeditated, placed the politicians in a very awkward predicament. They had marshalled their forces and had them under the best possible discipline, but they arrived at the scene of action a little too late. The mob, headed by honorable judges and congressmen, drove the abolitionists from the church, and from Utica, to meet and transact their business in Peterboro' as a society. Thus the politicians after all, fell under the grievous imputation, with their masters, the slaveholders, of having secretly favored those 'fanatics' whom they made such a parade of dispersing. Certainly, nothing can be more true than that every thing they did helped the good cause. It is unfortunate that the publication of the documents ordered by this Convention have been so long delayed. We trust, however, they will soon appear and be greatly useful. Those who attended the Convention, will never lose the impulse there received. The violence which assailed, on the same day, the Boston Female Anti-Slavery Society was overruled no less signally to advance the same glorious cause. The day on which, in the metropolis of New England, 5,000 "gentlemen of property and standing" met to disperse a circle of praying females, and ignominiously to drag through the streets an unarmed unresisting citizen, for advocating the rights of the oppressed, was the day which sealed the triumph of the antislavery cause. How many such lessons must the advocates of slavery have, to teach them that they "can do nothing AGAINST the truth, but FOR the truth"? Silence, dead and blockish apathy was their policy, but thanks to God they were too dull to learn it, and it is now too late. Amidst all opposition the cause steadily advances. Not less than 200 new societies have been added during the year just closed. The genius of southern slavery is fairly unmasked. Gov. McDuffie must have the credit of revealing, at last, the true motives and designs of the ruling body of slaveholders. The avowals of his message need no comments. They will bring all true republicans up to the issue. How much better that we should decide it than our children! Hear this matchless rescript of despotism. "No human institution, in my opinion, is more manifestly consistent with the will of God than domestic slavery, and no one of his ordinances is written in more legible characters than that which consigns the African race to this conditon, as more conducive to their own happiness than any other of which they are susceptible." "Domestic slavery, therefore, instead of being a political evil, is the corner stone of our republican edifice. No patriot who justly estimates our privileges will tolerate the idea of emancipation, at any period however remote, or on any conditions of pecuniary advantage, however favorable. I would as soon think of opening a negociation for selling the liberty of the state at once, as of making any stipulations for the ultimate emancipation of our slaves. So deep is my conviction on this subject, that if I were doomed to die immediately after recording these sentiments, I could say in all sincerity and under all the sanctions of Christianity and patriotism. "God forbid that my descendants, in the remotest generations, should live in any other than a community having the institution of domestic slavery, as it existed among the patriarchs of the primitive Church and in all the states of antiquity." No doctrine of the abolitionists has subjected them to more reproach than their attributing such sentiments as the above to the majority of the slaveholders at the south. We are in a fair way to see the question tested. Already has a warm debate occurred in Congress on a southern proposition to reject altogether, petitions praying for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia. The demands of the south are now before us. It remains to be seen whether seven millions of freemen shall become slaves, or two and a half millions of slaves become free. |