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Again he says:

"The present economy of the slave system is, to get all you can from the slave, and give in return as little as will barely support him in WORKING CONDITION. Where there is not direct intention to infringe his comforts, they are but little consulted, and seeing his master wholly engrossed by his own advantage, he naturally adopts the same selfish course, and when not restrained by higher principles, becomes deceitful and thievish, and as it is generally taken for granted, that the negro will steal and lie, and his master takes no pains to conceal his suspicions, he feels when tempted to do either, that he has no character to lose."

After this we want no array of whips, stocks, chains, iron neck-collars, and perforated paddles-no display of lacerated backs-no tally of stripes-no parting scenes of husband and wife no details of gaunt starvation. We roll the burden of proof upon the masters. They must show us, that they are not of the same race with Pygmalion, Pizarro, and the wretch Collingwood, who threw one hundred and thirtytwo sick slaves from the deck of the ship Zong, on the middle passage, to defraud the underwriters! Commend us to speedy death, by no matter what instruments of torture, when we are brought to depend for a pittance upon a fellow worm, whose economy it is, for his own selfish ends, "barely to support" us in "WORKING CONDITION." We are subject to a despot who has forgotten that we have a soul; whose will is restrained by no superior law, which stupidity itself might not evade; whose interests are built on the ruin of ours; whose heart is soothed by our groans, and whose all absorbing claim grows with our growth, and strengthens with our strength. If there is any consolation for the miserable victims of such oppression, truly, it must come from another world.

We now return to the "Essay on the management of slaves, and especially on their religious instruction; read before the Agricultural Society of St. John's, Colleton: by WHITEMARSH B. SEABROOK, President. Published by order of the Society. Charleston, 1834." The testimony of the Hon. Mr. Seabrook was adduced, in our last number, to show that the masters consider their slaves their “lawful property," and exercise over them "executive, legislative, and judicial powers," with no restraint that is more than nominal. We shall be able to derive from it further light, both as to the physical and the moral condition of the slaves. We wish it to be observed, that this is, in effect, the testimony of a society of slaveholders. That the witness is

thoroughly pro-slavery, will appear from one of his "preliminary observations."

"In the first place, I must be permitted to say, that, in the judgment of my fellow-citizens, slavery is not inconsistent with the laws of nature or of God. The Bible informs us, that it was established and sanctioned by divine authority among even the elect of heaven, and the history of every age and country attests, that personal servitude has been the lot of a considerable portion of mankind. Í believe, moreover, that successfully to carry on the great business of the world, slavery in some form is as necessary as the division of labor itself."

The common cry is, that the slaves, after all, are as well treated as the laboring class of any country. They are as free, in point of fact, as the laborers of the north. But we are led to suspect a difference which is quite important, when we see Mr. Seabrook place among "considerations which should never be lost sight of," in the management of slaves, such as the following:

"1. That the conduct of the slave is not to be regulated entirely by the same rules which are so well calculated to insure the faithfulness of the white servant."

An employer that would insure the faithful services of a free laborer, must not only exercise a watchful supervision, but he must pay a just and delicate regard to the rights of the laborer. In the latter respect, it must be, that a different rule is recommended for the slave. Indeed, what can be plainer than, that the rule of Mr. Seabrook, which immediately follows the above, betrays an entire disregard of the rights of the slave, as a man, and recommends the holding of him in the capacity of a brute, as essential to the system?

"2. As slavery exists in South Carolina, the action of the citizen should rigidly conform to that state of things. If abstract opinions of the rights of man are allowed in any instance to modify the police system of a plantation, the authority of the master, and the value of his estate, will be as certainly impaired, as that the peace of the blacks themselves will be injuriously affected. Whoever believes slavery to be immoral or illegal, and, under that belief, frames a code of laws for the government of his people, is practically an enemy of the state. Such a person is utterly unfit to fulfil the obligations of his trust, and the most acceptable service he could render his fellow-citizens, would be to emigrate with his property to the land of the Tappans and the Garrisons."

Let it be here observed, that it is not the "abstract opinions" that impair the "value of an estate," but modifying the "police system" in accordance with such opinions of the "rights of man." No matter whether those "abstract opinions" are just or erroneous, if they are opinions in relation to the "rights of man," and are permitted to modify the common "police system of a plantation," they work out mis

chief. Under the ban of this rule would certainly fall those "two large plantations" spoken of by Mr. Clay, where no negro was punished except by the verdict of a jury of his fellow slaves; and of which he testifies that the management was "particularly good." On these plantations the "police system," was either modified by abstract opinions on the rights of man, or, what is practically the same, it so appeared to be to the public. Now, the bearing of this testimony is on this point. What must be the general treatment of the slaves where a modification of the "police system," either really or apparently in favor of human rights, no matter how successful or profitable in its operation, cannot be tolerated? Most assuredly bad. There can be no more doubt of it, than that the building into which fire must never be introduced, is a magazine of powder, or dangerous combustibles. If the general "police system" worked happily for the slave, the mischiefs of modification would be confined to the individuals directly concerned, and the body of slaveholders would be neither hurt nor scared. Testimony could not, by any possibility, be stronger to the fact, that the RIGHTS OF THE SLAVE are practically disregarded, than that which proves that no modifications, which have these rights for their basis, will be allowed. It is to very little purpose, that Mr. Seabrook after propounding such a rule, declares that the slave, "amply provided with food and raiment, protected in his person, and without the cares that pollute the stream of the white man's happiness, toils in peace and contentment." Food, raiment, and protection are among the rights of the slave, acquired by his labor; if they are, in general practice, justly conceded, where is the danger of conceding them in accordance with a just abstract theory of the "rights of man"? Either, then, there are other rights, which in general practice are violated, or the rule of Mr. Seabrook is nugatory, and based upon a false view of facts, under his daily observation. The slaveholder may talk of men toiling in "peace and contentment" under the coercive lash, but no "food," "raiment" or "protection," can reconcile it with common sense. We take the liberty, however, from the principles avowed by this Agricultural Society of St. Johns, utterly to disbelieve in the sufficiency of food, raiment, and protection, furnished by them to their slaves- They proceed to say, in the lan

guage of their president," He (the slave) should be PRACTICALLY TREATED AS A SLAVE, and thoroughly taught the true cardinal principle on which our peculiar institutions are founded. viz: that to his owner he is bound by the laws of God and man, and that no human authority can sever the link which unites them. The great aim, then, of the slaveholder should be to keep his people in strict subordination. In this, it may in truth be said, lies his ENTIRE DUTY." And how is the "true cardinal principle" to be taught?-morally? That would lead to a discussion of "abstract opinions on the rights of man." Of course, it is to be taught physically. Let us be no longer deceived. Men do not go to the expense of such abominable principles, except for the profits of an equally abominable practice. The atrocities of hierarchal usurpation may be learnt as plainly from the corrupt doctrines of the jesuit fathers, as from the infernal racks, and pincers, and thumbscrews, and iron boots, and auto da fes of the "Holy Inquisition."

Mr. Seabrook's paragraphs in regard to the punishments of slaves, throw so strong a light upon the great American house of bondage, that we quote them entire, bespeaking the reader's careful attention.

"How ought slaves to be punished? On this subject we may safely appeal to experience. It is certain that no punishment is equally efficient in every case. Whilst the occasional application of the whip tends greatly to preserve the obedience of some, it is not even dreaded by others. Under these circumstances the slaveholder is bound to study thoroughly the character of his people-to watch their conduct with a sleepless eye, in order to discover the secret spring of their actions. The punishments usually resorted to are-1st. Corporal. 2d. Solitary confinement in stocks, or solitary confinement alone. 3d. Deprivation of privíleges. 4th. Additional labor. 5th. Transportation. When corporal punishment is inflicted pursuant to a law of the state, the slave can receive but 39 stripes; it is seldom indeed that the owner gives as many. This mode of arresting the commission of crime cannot be dispensed with. In many cases it is the only instrument which can confidently be relied on to meliorate the character of the refractory delinquent. If to our army the disuse of the lash has been prejudicial, to the slaveholder it would operate to deprive him of the main support to his authority. For the first class of offences, I consider imprisonment in the stocks at night, with or without hard labor in the day, as a powerful auxiliary in the cause of good government. His regular duty having been performed, the slave anticipates the approach of night with the liveliest emotions. To him it is the period when he can freely indulge in the various inclinations of the mind. Then, unrestrained and unwatched, if I may be allowed the expression, he acts in any manner which his interest or his pleasure might dictate. Deprive him of this great source of enjoyment- take from him these hours usually passed with his associates, and you readily accomplish that which no other known scheme has yet effected. To the correctness of this opinion, many can bear testimony. Experience has convinced me, that there is no punishment to which the slave looks with more horror than

that upon which I am commenting, and none which has been attended with happier results.

Among the privileges of the slave, may be considered that of task work. When his daily labor is finished, he is at liberty to cultivate his crop, or otherwise to attend to his own concerns. For some offences the changing of task work into constant labor from sun to sun, reserving a short period only for meals, is a wise and useful regulation. To this punishment, if the crime be of an aggravated nature, the withholding from the transgressor his usual portion of tobacco, meat and other comforts might be added. Another very efficacious means of correcting bad conduct, is the imposition of labor additional to the task work. For theft, this is a rational punishment. It is proper on ordinary principles, that the slave by his labor should compensate for the loss, which, through his knavery, the master has sustained. Whenever it is obvious that the character of the criminal is not likely to be amended by any of the means to which I have so briefly adverted, or, that frequent recurrence to rigorous punishment, is unavoidable to attain that end, it is far better to expel him from society than to contaminate it by his example."

The ingenuity of this plan of punishments cannot be denied. With a perfection of cruelty which commends it to the deepest execration of every generous heart, it is adapted to meet all cases and tempers-to bring every face to the grind-stone of oppression. With consummate anatomical skill it passes its fingers over every slave, finds the spot where he feels most sensibly, and cries, There apply the pincers-there let the iron enter the soul. The stocks! What has inspired the Hon. Mr. Seabrook with his high admiration of this effectual punishment? How did he come to set so great value upon its "happier results" as an "auxiliary in the cause of good (!) government?" The answer deserves to be weighed. "Experience" has convinced him, "that there is no punishment to which the slave looks with more horror"! Yes EXPERIENCE!!!not his own, we are sorry to say, but that of the wretched slave! He has discovered by actual experiments upon the human flesh in his possession, that confinement in the stocks by night, will produce a given amount of "horror," with less waste of time from the master's service, than any other mode of giving pain. Hence he admires it! Does any one, in his simplicity, suppose that the planters of Colleton District have failed to avail themselves of the "experience" of this distinguished President of an Agricultural Society? Does any one suppose that a poor wretch groaning all night, with his feet fast in those cursed appliances, is a rare phenomenon of cruelty in the neighborhood of Mr. Seabrook's well managed plantation? Argument will be lost on the doubter. It was wholly unnecessary for Mr. Seabrook to allege that "many could bear testimony" to the correctness

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