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The Adventures of Alonzo; containing fomc Ariking Anecdotes of the prefent Prime Minister of Portugal. 2 Vols. 12mo. 6s. Bew.

These Adventures seem to have been written some time ago, for the minister, alluded to in the title, was probably the unfortunate marquis de Pombal. He certainly was unfortunate, perhaps guilty : while he curbed the exorbitant power of the church, he added to that of the crown ; while he enlarged the minds of his countrymen by encouraging learning, and giving fome scope to liberal enquiry, he is said to have fettered commerce by an odious monopoly. Yet, on the subject of his ministry, we have not much novelty ; nor are the anecdotes numerous.

In other respects, the Adventures are interesting and agree'able. They are far removed from the common tract, and frequently above it. The language is nervous, but incorrect; in one or two instances the misplacing will and shall seems to thew that the author is not an Englishman ; yet his judgment seems to be good, and his knowledge not inconsiderable: a vein of good lense pervades and embellishes these little volumes.

POLITICA L. A Candid Review of Mr. Pitt's Twenty Resolutions. Addressed to

the People of Ireland. 8vo. 25. Debrett. Though political subjects of great inportance ought always to be treated with the utmost degree of impartiality, there is too much reason to suspect, that in enquiries of this nature, the consideration of public utility is often facrificed to the passions of individuals, and the common interests of a party. A&tuated, however, as we are by no other view than that of examining faithfully the merits of literary productions, we are disposed to weigh the arguments both of those who have supported, and of those who have opposed the Irish propositions, without any de viation to either fide.

In the introduciion to the pamphlet before us, we are sorry to observe that the author betrays a design of exciting the Irish, to oppose the Resolutions in question. It would have appeared much more candid to have delivered his sentiments dispássion. ately, and to have left to the good sense of the majority of the Irish nation either to approve or reject them.

The author's observation on the Second Resolution is as fol. lows.

• This Resolution contains the principle or basis on which the above regulation is intended to be carried into execution. It is stated as a conditional bargain ; offering on the one hand a full participation of commercial advantages to Ireland, whenever Ireland shall make a provision towards defraying the expences of protecting the trade, &c. of the empire, in time of peace.-And the twentieth Resolution, which ought to be confidered as a part of the second, declares what that provision is to be, and how it is to be secured.


This Resolution is founded on an assumption which I pofitively declare to be false and inadmissible, viz. that Ireland enjoys no just right or claim to the participation of commercial advantages, and must therefore engage to purchase them by a compensation from Great Britain. - This is not only an infera ence, but the foundation of the whole plan, and by treating on such terms, Ireland would directly acknowledge the exclus five right of Great Britain to deny her that participation, without a compensation of an annual supply.

• That Ireland ought to contribute to the defence of the trade of the empire, I am most ready to admit.-And she has ever shown an inclination to bear her fhare of the public expence even beyond her abilities.-My objection is to agreeing to pay that contribution as a purchase of what she has a right to claim on other grounds, namely, as a compensation for a participa, tion of fimilar commercial advantages granted by her to Great Britain.--For

• The only commercial advantages that are to be communi. cated to Ireland, by virtue of this act, are a permission to send her manufactures, and the importable produce of foreign states, or our own colonies, into Great Britain. It is not material to advert to the regulations to be adopted on this trade.- I only ak if Great Britain does not now enjoy the power of sending similar articles, and her manufactures into Ireland ; and if the has not ever fince the union of the crowns enjoyed this adyantage'.

In se remarks, it is obvious that the author endeavours to bend the subject to his own prejudices; and that he might do this with the greater success, he very artfully observes, “it is not material to advert to the regulations to be adopted on this trade.' But we must beg leave to contend, that an attention to the proposed regulations is a matter of the utmost importance ; and in support of this affertion we may appeal to the conduct of both the houses of the British parliament on the present occasion. On what other account than for the purpose of establishing proper regulations, has so much time been employed in examining the petitions of the various manufacturers ?

The author, in his remarks on the Fourth Resolution, appears likewise to indulge himself in a strain of misrepresentation. He infifts, that were the propofitions adopted, they would directly affect the independence of Ireland; but, by this assertion, he seems to lose sight of the reciprocity which it is intended that the legislatures of both countries should equally exercise with respect to commercial regulations.

In treating of the Ninth Resolution, the author profeffes a detestation of the idea that Ireland Mould be prohibited from a trade with the Eaft Indies. But he ought to reflect, that this is a prohibition not peculiar to Ireland, since, excepting the capital, all the ports in Great Britain are excluded from enjoy. ing the privileges of the Eaft India Company, 7


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According to this author, the people of Ireland never can be fatisfied without a total rejection of the Second, Fourth, Fifth, Eighth, Ninth, and some parts of the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Resolutions. He certainly has done all in his power to infti. gate the Irish, particularly the volunteers, to fuch a rejection ; and we cannot, without expressing the Itrongest disapprobation, behold any writer on a great national subject, appeal to the paslions of the uninforined populace, in preference to the legifJature of the country. Such a conduct is evidently dictated by the worst of motives, and deserves to be reprobated by the opponents, as well as the abettors of the Resolutions. An Address to the King and People of Ireland. 8vo. 15. Debrett.

The author of this address holds, that the system contained in the Twenty Resolutions is inadmissible; and that the terms of it, on the part of the two contracting parties, viz. the parliament of Great Britain, and the parliament of Ireland, are of necessity as to the one, or as to the other, a furrender FOR ÉVER of those inherent rights which neither can of right for EVER forego.' The author of this pamphlet writes dispassionately; but his arguments are as inadmisible, in our opinion, as the fystem of Resolutions is in his own.

Original Papers. 8vo. 15. Jarvis. These Papers have so much the appearance of being genuine, that, with the concurring evidence of some additional circumfances, we cannot doubt of their authenticity. They confift of a Letter from the late Earl of Hardwicke to a near Relation, on the Subject of a Miniferial Negociation in the Year 17635 and of a Letter from the Hon. Charles Yorke to the Rev. Dr. Birch. The letter from lord Hardwicke is dated Sepr. 4, 1763. and contains an account of two conferences which Mr. Pitt had with a great personage at the Q's palace, relative to a new administration. At the former of those conferences, which was about ten days before, on a Saturday, every thing seemed to be in a fair train for a new ministerial arrangement; but, lo! at the conference on the subsequent Monday, this Hattering prospect entirely vanished.

Mr. Pitt likewise affirms, says the writer of the Letter, that if he was examined upon oath, he could not tell upon what this negociation broke off, whether upon any particular point, or upon the general complexion of the whole : but that if the **** fhall assign any particular reason for it, he will never contradict it.

In the beginning of the Letter, we are presented with an account of the teps which led to the conferences above men'tioned. As this part is strongly marked with the characteristics of a political negociation, we shall lay before our readers an extract of it,

• I have

• I have heard the whole from the duke of Newcastle, and on Friday morning de fource from Mr. Pitt. But if I was to attempt to relate in writing all that I have heard in two converfations of two hours each, the dotterels and wheat ears would stink before I could finish my letter. Besides, it is as strange as it is long, for I believe it is the most extraordinary transaction that ever happened in any court in Europe, even in times as extraordinary as the present,

I will begin, as the affair has gone on, preposterously, by telling you, that it is all over for the present, and we are all come back re infetta.

It began, as to the substance, by a meffage from my lord B -e to Mr. Pitt at Hayes, through my lord mayor, to give him the meeting privately at some third place. This his lord. fhip (lord B.) afterwards altered by a note from himself, faying, that as he loved to do things openly, he would come to Mr. Pitt's house in Jermyn-street, in broad day-light. They met accordingly, and lord B-e, after the firit compliments, frankly acknowledged, that his ministry could not go on, and that the ****

was convinced of it, and therefore he (lord B.) defired that Mr. Pitt would open himself frankly and at large, and tell him his ideas of things and persons with the utmott freedom. After much excuse and hanging back, Mr. Pitt did so with the utmoft freedom indeed, though with civility. Here I muit leave a long blank, to be filled up when I fee you. Lord B-e heard with great attention and patience; entered into no defence; but at last said, “ If these are your opinions, why fhould you not tell them to the **** himself, who will not be unwilling to hear you ?"-"* How can I, my lord, presume

who am not of his council, nor in his fervice, and have no pretence to ask an audience? The presumption would be too great."~" But suppose his m-my should order you to attend him, I presume, fir, you would not refuse it.-" The ****'s command would make it my duty, and I should certainly obey it."

The Letter to Dr. Birch is dated October 9, 1762, and commends, for good reasons, the erasement of a few words printed in brackets, in the doctor's edition of Sir Francis Bacon's Letters. Oberrations on the Jurisprudence of the Court of Sellion in Scotland.

15. Murray. Much has been said, and much written, of the necessity of a reform in different departments of the state ; but, if the representation of this author be well founded, nothing can require it so much as the mode af jurisdiction in the court of fellion in Scotland. According to his account, not only the jurifdi&tion of this court, but the mode of exerciâng it is indefinite. Instead of favouring the prompt decision of civil Causes, it is calculated to protract them even tò an unlimited



to go to the ****

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period. The forms of procefs being governed by no detera minate rules, a field of endless litigation is left open to the Jawyers, while their clients are involved in ruinous expences, and the judges are oppressed with the accumulated load of contradictory arguments, sufficient to demand the attentive exaa mination of several months, if not of years. In a word, it apo pears to be a court so unhappily constituted as to obstruct the objects of jurisdiction, even under the dispensation of the most falutary laws ; and it certainly calls aloud for Speedy and effectual regulation. The Speech of the Right Hon. Charles James Fox on the Irish Refor

lutions, May 12, 1785. 8vo. Debrett. Mr. Fot's Reply to Mr. Pitt, upon reporting the Fourth Propofition

of the Irish System, May 31, 1785. 8vo. 6d. Kearney,

As a literary Review is not the channel for the conveying of parliamentary debates, our readers will not expect from us an account of either of those Speeches. To judge of the force of the arguments, it is neceffary to be acquainted with those which were used by the opposite party; and in respect of rhetorical abilities, Mr. Fox's character is sufficiently known. The Debate in the House of Commons, on tbe Motion of the Right

Hon. William Pitt, for Leave to bring in a Bill to amend the
Representation of the People in Parliament. 8vo. 1s. Stockdale.

This interesting debate brought the long agitated affair of a parliamentary reform to a crisis. For, though the press had groaned these several years with publications on the subject, we have not, since that period, met with one on either side of the question. A Political Pfalm, for the Service of the Year 1785. 4to. 15.

Below, the notice of criticism.

The Case of our Fellow-creatures the oppressed Africans. 8vo. zdo

Phillips. This is a serious and well-meant address on lavery. We have often had occasion to mention the subject, and have always born our testimony against this inhuman practice. We wish therefore the greatest success to the exertions of this very

benevolent Society of Quakers. We shall probably, at some future period, have an opportunity of showing, that it is not less expedient than humane. Heraldry of Nature; or, Instructions for the King at Arms. Small

δυο. . 25. 6d. Smith, This is a new mode of satire, or rather a new form of abuse. The idea promises entertainment; but the execution is mifer


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