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agraphs as a fpecimen of his obfervations, and of the tranf lator's execution.

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To fpeak without referve. I cannot approve the arithmetical spirit which reigns throughout the chapter upon public debts. One reads of nothing but of mill ons, and of the means of increafing them; of growing interest; of a produce, which in a few years doubles its capital, triples it, multiplies it to a degree which I had rather admit without inveftigation, than pore over the difguiting calculation Why this dazzling display of gold before the eyes of the fons of freedom, and the cultivators of a land favoured by heaven? What avail the means, whether real or imaginary, of becoming rich and corrupted, where the only object to be pursued, is to establish the reign of virtue and happiness? Your debt, my friends, amounts to nine millions. Pay it quietly, gradually, without any extraordinary effort, by judicious contributions levied upon the land-owners; deny yourfelves, for a time, fome of the comforts of life. That facrifice will be the price of your liberty: can it then be burthenfome to your brave and generous minds? Let every public fervice be difcharged by yourfelves; let the contribution diminith in proportion as the debt is discharged; and let the funds which the confederation will no longer ftand in need of, be applied in the cultivation of your fruitful foil, which will pour into your hands thofe pure treafures, for which you will have only Providence to thank.

It is, alas, next to impoffible, for the most just and enlightened understandings, to keep entirely clear of the prejudices which furround them. It is from England that you are addreffed; it is from England that you are advised to establish a permanent credit, and to form a continental patrimony for the United States.'

The Book of Seven Chapters. Containing a New Syftem of National Policy. With a Poftfcript on Parliamentary Elocution, and an Utopian Scheme for the Confideration of the Rev. Mr. Wyvill. 8vo. 35. ferved. Baldwin.

SUCH is the multiplicity of fubjects in this little volume, that

it would be tedious to enumerate the particulars. The author therefore has treated them with proportionable brevity, and in general, likewife, with force of argument. In regard to political principles he is no lefs commendable than for the apparent zeal which he difcovers in favour of the national interefts. He is every where an enemy to minifterial difingenuity, as

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well as corruption; and though neither his opinions nor ar guments have any title to novelty, they are, for the most part, not only well felected for the purpose of illustration, but are calculated for establishing just ideas respecting objects of importance to the public.

We fhall lay before our readers this author's fentiments on taxation, remarking only that the fame principles, and even obfervations, have been frequently made by other writers.

The proper objects of taxation in every ftate are avarice, pride, vanity, fashion, folly, caprice, pleasure, indulgence, fuperfluities, and fuperabundance. Thefe, in a kingdom abounding with afluent individuals, afford an ample field for taxation; and, where extreme taxation is become unavoidable, until thefe fources are exhaufted, the neceffaries of life should remain untouched. The idea, that they are not productive, is falfe. I am very certain that under proper management they would prove more certainly efficient, and much less liable to evasion, than taxes on neceffaries. If this be doubted, let them be fucceffively tried as fuperfluous taxes, and remain unappropriated until the product of each be determined let them then, in fucceffion, fupercede the tax on leather, on candles, on foap, and many other old taxes, which were im pofed by minifters who in raising money loft fight of every confideration, except that of producing the fum required.'

All taxes on raw materials, in a manufacturing country, are wonderfully abfurd. Taxes on land or water carriage are no less prepofterous. But one of the moft oppreffive taxes on manufacturing towns, is that which was defigned for their re lief, and from which government reaps no advantage. I mean the enormous affeffment of two millions per annum for the maintenance of the poor; a tax on the induftrious for the support of idleness; a mistaken, mifapplied charity, which renders every manufacturer a spendthrift. Depending for fubfiftence on the relief which he has a right to demand from the parish, he is careless of futurity, and never dreams of accumulating the fmallest fum for himself or family, in case of ficknefs, decrepitude, or want of employment. The legiflature hath fo effectually provided for his neceffities, that he thinks it ufelefs to take any care of himself.

To thofe who have beftowed but a curfory attention on this fubject, it must appear very extraordinary, that in our moft flourishing manufacturing towns, where the induftrious. poor are beft paid, and most conftantly employed, the rates for the fupport of indigence should be moft oppreffive. But the enigma is eafily folved, when we confider, that the bene

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volence of the legislature hath made it unnecessary for the poor to provide against future diftrefs.

From the manufacturers of woollen cloth in the weft riding of Yorkshire, we learn, that, when corn is cheap, they frequently find a difficulty in executing their orders from abroad; for the spinners, who make it a rule to earn no more money than is fufficient to fupply their neceffities, will labour four, five, or fix days in the week, according to the price of provifions.

The manufacturers at Norwich, Leeds, Hallifax, Sheffield, and Manchefter, tell us, that their beft hands conftantly make Monday a holiday, and by thofe of Birmingham, I am affured, that the generality of their people feldom fettle to work until Wednesday morning. Here then is a lofs to the nation and to the workmen themselves, of one-third of what ought to be the entire produce of their labour. This loss to the nation amounts to a very large fum. But the lofs to each individual workman is proportionably much greater; for, to the lofs of two days wages in every week, we must add the money spent in liquor during these two idle days, which may be fairly estimated at the earnings of one day, at the very leaft: fo that there remains, for the fupport of himself and family, exactly one half of what he would earn if he could be fatisfied with one day in feven for relaxation and amufe. ment. But this habitual diffipation is productive of a ftill greater injury to the community; it impairs his ftrength, diminishes his years of utility, and brings him prematurely on the parish, without a fingle farthing in store for the support of his wife and children.

Let us now fuppofe that every labouring manufacturer, in full employment, were compelled by a general law to leave, in the hands of his employer, the wages of one day in every week, to be appropriated to the maintenance of difabled or fuperannuated workmen and their families. Let thefe fums be paid weekly to a receiver-general of every parish. Would there be any thing inequitable or unjuft in fuch a law? Would it not, on the contrary, relieve many of the inhabitants of manufacturing towns from a very heavy and a very inequitable tax? Would it not, by eafing these towns of enormous poor. rates, enable them to lower the prices of their goods? and Would it not finally prolong the lives of many ufeful individuals, and render them much more valuable members of fociety?'

The author of this fmall volume may be compared to an induftrious bee, that collects the fweets of various flowers to Vol. LX. Aug. 1785, ·

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depofit them in its own little granary. Whether, though an avowed enemy to Machiavelian principles, the uniform and diftinct appropriation of his fympathetic affections and antipathies ought to excite any fufpicion of his fincerity, we shall not determine: but it is obfervable that while he devotes all his honey to the prefent, he invariably aims his fting at the jaft administration.

The Life of Thomas Cranmer, Archbishop of Canterbury. By William Gilpin, M. A. 8vo. 3s. 6d. in Boards. Blamire. THE character of archbishop Cranmer has been equally the

fubject of exaggerated praife, and undeferved cenfure. At the time in which he lived, party fpirit was furious and inexorable. The Papifts looked upon the Proteftants with a malevolent afpect; and the Proteftants, on the other hand, dreaded and detefted the Papifts. Cranmer, as archbishop of Canterbury, occupied a station, which expofed him to every ftorm; and, in that fituation, it was not in the power of human forefight or prudence to avoid the odium of contending zealots. His rigour and his lenity were to the one party or to the other equally obnoxious. And if he temporized on fome occafions, as he certainly did, he was accufed of a criminal flexibility. He had undoubtedly his frailties; but they were frequently caufed, and more frequently aggravated, by the malignity of his opponents. If we view him with that can

dour, which is due to human nature, we shall not easily find a more refpectable character. His virtues fo far outweigh his fallings that, on the whole, we may efteem him one of the first perfons of the age in which he lived.

The excellent author of thefe memoirs feems to have dif criminated the lights and fhades of his character with great accuracy and judgment. He very properly cenfures his indelicacies and improprieties of conduct, and particularly his intolerant principles.

His reflections on the ftory of Joan Bocher and George Paris, are liberal and manly, becoming the character of an hiftorian in this more civilized and enlightened age.

Joan Bocher and George Paris were accufed, though at different times, one for denying the humanity of Chrift; the other for denying his divinity. They were both tried, and condemned to the ftake: and the archbishop not only confented to these acts of blood, but even perfuaded the averfion of the young king into a compliance. Your majefty muft diftinguish (faid he, informing his royal pupil's confcience) between common opinions, and fuch as are the effential articles of

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faith. Thefe latter we must on no account fuffer to be oppofed."

It is true, these doctrines, especially the latter, in the opinion of the generality of Chriftians, are fubverfive of the fundamentals of Chriftianity. To deny the divinity of Chrift feems to oppofe the general idea, which the fcriptures hold out of our redemption. On the other hand, many particular paffages, which defcribe the humanity of Chrift, feem to favour the doctrine and fome there are, who hold it even in

this enlightened age. At worst, therefore, we must confider it as an erroneous opinion. To call it herefy, when attended with a good life, is certainly a great breach of Chriftian charity. Is it not then aftonishing, that a man of the archbishop's candour could not give it a little more indulgence? If any opinions can demand the fecular arm, it must be fuch only as lead to actions, which injure the peace of fociety. We are furprised alfo at feeing the archbishop fo far depreciate his own caufe, as to fuppofe that one man incurred guilt by acting on the fame principles which entitled another to applaufe: and that he who in the opinion of one church, was the greatest of fchifmatics himself, fhould not even in common justice indulge, in all the more fpeculative points of religion, toleration to others. Nothing even plaufible can be fuggefted in defence of the archbishop on this occafion; except only that the spirit of popery was not yet wholly repreffed.

There are, however, among Proteftant writers at this day, fome who have undertaken his vindication. But I fpare their indifcretion. Let the horrid act be univerfally difclaimed. To palliate, is to participate. With indignation let it be recorded, as what above all other things has difgraced that religious liberty, which our ancestors in most other respects fo nobly purchased.'

The execution of this celebrated reformer filled up the meafure of the enormities practifed during the reign of queen Mary. His biographer gives this account of his behaviour at the stake.

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Having concluded his prayer, he rose from his knees; and taking a paper from his bofom, continued his speech to this effect.

"It is now, my brethren, no time to diffemble. I ftand upon the verge of life-a vaft eternity is before me.-What my fears are, or what my hopes, it matters not here to unfold. For one action of my life at least I am accountable to the world-my late fhameful fubfcription. to opinions, which are wholly oppofite to my real fentiments. Before this congrega

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