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parts of axungia; and the furface being now perfectly expofed, and in a flate of digeftion, I immediately applied a piece of linen cloth, foaked in water, not quite fo cold as the air was the difagreeable fmell was immediately removed by this, and the child appeared more comfortable. I recommended the rags to be conftantly wetted as they became dry, but to be removed very feldom, that the air might not be brought too often in contact with it. For a while the part looked much better, and feemed difpofed to heal, but it not being kept fo conftantly wet as I could have wished, from an apprehenfion that the plan was attended with fome danger of giving the child cold, the scabs again formed, and I was a fecond time under the neceffity of removing them by means of the ftimulating ointment; after which I prevailed upon the mother to confent to its being more frequently wetted, and which being accordingly done, the good effects of it became manifeft in a few days, as the difcharge of matter was totally fuppreffed; and though there was fomething like a cruft formed by the thickening of that which exuded the first two or three days after the ointment was used, yet it was perfectly dry, and fcaled off by degrees, though flowly, leav ing the furface of the head, in the courfe of fome weeks, perfectly cicatrized; after which I ftill thought it right to continue. the wet rags; and when the fkin appeared to be whole, I even made the water, in which the linen was moistened, more volatile, by the addition of a little rectified spirit of wine.'

In all inftances of fpreading ulcers with fœtid difcharges, Mr. Rigby advifes the practitioner to prevent frequent expo fure to the air. Scalds and burns produce inflammation of the fame kind as eryfipelas, and the ferous difcharge is always highly acrid perhaps the water, befides repreffing inflammation from its coldness, may alfo dilute the discharge. The bladders are directed only to be pun&tured, that the skin may unite by the first intention.

In a spreading ulcer, attended with extraordinary heat, cold water was highly ufeful; and Mr. Rigby entertains fanguine expectations of its future utility. He remarks, that it could not act by cleaning the wound, because the fore was covered, and the cloth continually wetted by a fpunge; but, as in fcalds, it may have diluted the discharge, and leffened its acrimony. In the hernia humoralis and inteftinalis, the ufe of cold is better eftablished. We fully agree with Mr. Rigby in wifhing to make it more general. In the other difeafes we are happy to coincide in opinion with our author, viz. the ophthalmia, local eruptions, excoriations and mortifications of the extremities. We have paffed over the anthrax, merely to make fome particular remarks on it. We are perfuaded that it is lefs local than is generally fuppofed; and feems to confift in a general stagnation of the mucus in the mucous follicles of

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the furface. Where thefe arc more numerous, or where the fluids are fubject to any particular interruption, the fwelling and inflammation increases; and, as this obstruction occurs in old people, and those who are fat and have led indolent lives, the inflammation foon proceeds to gangrene. We are well convinced, therefore, that in the early ftages, cold must be a powerful remedy; in the later ones, it is doubtful. We fhall not at prefent enlarge on the foundation of our opinion; but would only recommend an examination of the mucous glands, in those affected with the true anthrax.

The author concludes with fome remarks on the fcurvy and obesity. The former is, he thinks, owing to a deficiency in the heat, the latter to its excefs. In the fcurvy, he has clearly hown that fome of the caufes are thofe which either prevent the production of heat, or accelerate its efcape; but he has not shown that either is the primary or only effect. The theory of obefity would lead us too far. In the neighbourhood of Blackfriars, we were once present at a confiderable contest relating to the width of the bridge; many arguments were used by the different opponents, and the difpute might have been long protracted, if one of the company had not ftepped out and measured it. We shall not, therefore, extend our article on this fubject, but recommend only the actual application of the thermometer. The highest healthy heat that we have ever obferved was 99°; but the perfon was remarkably thin. This, however, might have been from a peculiar conftitution.

Mr. Rigby will excufe our particular and free examination of his work. It is not always that we proceed fo far; but it is not always that we meet with works fo deferving of our attention.

An Hiftorical and Chronological View of Roman Law. With Notes and Illuftrations. By Alexander C. Schomberg, M. A. 8vo. 35. 6d. in Boards. Rivington.

THAT the Roman Law, efcaping from the fury of the Goths,

and the commotions which afterwards destroyed the Eastern empire, thould become the guide of the victors, and the foundation of the jurifprudence of many modern nations, has been attributed to the blind admiration which we ufually entertain for every thing related to that vaft empire. That the Goths, when rule was neceffary, fhould have affumed laws already formed, or altered only in compliance with their most favoured customs, is easily understood: a fierce untutored nation could

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more eafily conquer, than govern an empire; and perhaps a lefs complete fyftem might have received the fame diftinction. In more modern periods, a blind admiration may have contributed to recommend thefe laws to the nations of Europe; but the examination of fucceffive ages would have removed the veil, and we should have no longer admired, what we had found remarkably defective. The continuance of the regard, therefore, which the Roman Law has enjoyed, must be confidered as a debt due to its intrinfic merit; and, while the customs and polity of Rome continue objects of attention, while its language and its authors contribute to our inftruction and entertainment, fo long its laws will be remembered, were they not the foundation of our civil code.

It may be reasonably afked, from what fources the Roman law drew its numerous advantages: we muft anfwer in the words of our very learned and able author.

• What was figuratively faid in praise of the Socratic school, that its venerable founder "had brought Philofophy down from heaven and introduced her into human fociety," may perhaps with ftricter truth be pronounced of thofe who first thought of applying the fpeculative wifdom of ancient Greece to political and forenfic purposes. This was in the happiest manner effected by the Roman lawyers. For by conftantly recurring to this fource for principles of equity, to regulate the morals and direct the actions of their fellow-citizens, they laid the foundation of that intimate union, which in procefs of time took place between philofophy and legiflation. They conducted her from the porch to the forum, delivered into her hands the sword of juftice, and gradually reconciled her to the bufinefs and buftle of public life.'

We are well aware that fome sceptics in modern times have endeavoured to fhow, that no formal embassy was ever sent to Greece for the purpose of obtaining thofe laws, which were afterwards ftyled the laws of the Twelve Tables. Mr. Schomberg has referved this fubject for his notes; and we think enough has been faid to confuse the fubject, not to elucidate it. The author of the three effays in the twelfth volume of Memoirs of the Academy of Infcriptions, Mr. Bonamy, has cerà tainly rendered the embaffy doubtful; but there are many authorities which inconteftibly trace the Roman law to its origin in Greece, that country which, in the words of Pliny, did not receive laws from their victors, but granted them, at their requeft.' There are indeed many circumstances in the original history of this event, which may be ftyled legendary; and the whole feems to have been in a great degree obfcured, by the conceits of fubfequent civilians.

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• It should be observed also that the materials which compofe this fyftem were neither haftily collected nor rafhly arranged. The foundation of the fabric was coeval with that of the city tfelf, but the fuperftructure required the labour of more than twelve centuries to complete it. In other words it was the refult of long attention and fober deliberation; conducted by lawgivers of great temper and philofophy; planned upon the fairest and most rational principles of humanity; fhaped and moulded by comparative fchemes of polity; matured by long experience; and laftly (by a revolution full of equity) as it was formed upon the beft models of antiquity, fo has it been honoured, illuftrated, and copied by many ftates and people that followed after."

In this Chronological View of the Roman Law, our ingenious author examines the foundation, and traces the additional fuperftructure, as occafionally raised, under its different titles. The whole is explained with great clearnefs and precifion in one or two inftances, we own we fufpected him of hafte and inaccuracy; but the more closely he was examined, his accuracy was more evident. In this part of his work he illuftrates the origin and progress of the laws of regal, confular, and imperial Rome, and marks their various stages of revolution and reform, during a period of more than twelve. 'centuries. He purposes, in a fecond part, to relate the history of the revival of the Roman law, its connection with the feudal and canon law, its character and influence in the different courts and academies of Europe, together with the lives and writings of its most eminent profeffors.

From a Chronological Hiftory, it is not eafy to felect any part which will be agreeable or interefting to the reader; but more than one half of the volume confifts of illuftrations. Thefe then, which are rather independent effays, arifing from the fubject, we shall next examine.

The first note is on the celebrated law of the Twelve Tables, and in it, the author has paid fome attention to the system of the French academician. He thinks that no more can be reafonably inferred from the three differtations of monfieur Bonamy, than that the Twelve Tables did not confift merely of Grecian laws. Mr. Schomberg has not cited all the authorities which may be brought in support of his system; for this would require a volume, and the subject may now be supposed uninterefting. He mentions two common errors, chiefly to confute them: one, that thefe Laws were not written in verfe; the other, that Cicero's work, de Legibus,' was not intend

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ed merely as a commentary on them. The first refted on the ufe of the word carmen, which was variously applied; the other is contradicted by Cicero himself.

The second note is on fome diftinguished profeffors of the civil law at Rome. Mr. Schomberg very properly notices the Mucian family, and a few others. Cicero, notwithstanding fome objections, was far from being indifferent, in our author's opinion, to the more confined study of the civil law; and fuccessfully cultivated juridical learning. He certainly, in the whole courfe of his ftudies, or in his fubfequent practice, did not confine himself to this fcience; but it is highly probable, that he was no mean proficient. He was a learned and acute lawyer; but he was alfo a vigilant magiflrate, and an able philofopher. It is remarkable, that the Roman lawyers always mixed fomewhat of the prevailing philofophy and their peculiar fects in their decifions. That of Zeno was the most prevalent; and, as our author juftly obferves, in his third note, that it almoft excluded the Academic and Peripatetic philofophy from that line. The philofophy of the Porch was indeed more ftrict in its language, and more precife in its explanation and ufe of words, than that of the fchools, fo that we fhould feel its influence in that science, where the greatest exactness of language is neceffary. This explanation is highly fatisfactory, though their fyftem not only allowed of, but enjoined public employments: to apply philofophy to public business was their favourite pofition. We entirely agree with our au thor, that a minute enquiry into the Stoicifm of the civil law, would be an entertaining and curious work.

The fourth effay is on the meaning of the word prætor, whofe decifions made a great part of the ancient jurifprudence. We fhall felect a part of this note, because it is highly ufeful; and by the inattention of fome authors to the diftinction which it contains, much confufion has arisen.

• If there be any truth in lord Bacon's maxim, “ as that law is ever the best which leaves leaft to the breaft of the judge, fo is that judge the beft who leaves leaft to kimfelf," the Cornelian law, which made the annual edict of the prætor immutable, muft be confidered as an excellent inftitution. It is no uncommon thing to confound this annual perpetual edict (if I may ufe the expreffion), with the perpetual edict of Julian, or, as it is frequently called, of Adrian, Gravina's distinction is worth attending to "The prætor's edict (fays he), as regu lated by the Cornelian law, was called perpetual, because by that law the prætor was bound to adhere without variation dur ing the year of his office to the rules he had laid down when he first entered upon it: but in the following year these rules were not confidered as binding upon his fucceffor, unless he chose

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