slavery, is to make it dependent upon one people only, without leaving it any other to have recourse to." The ambassadors were received with great respect; but were answered, that in case of war, the king was desired not to rely upon the Rhodians, nor to demand any thing of them to the prejudice of the alliance they had made with the Romans. The same ambassadors went also into Boeotia, where they had almost as little reason to be satisfied; only a few small cities separating from the Thebans to embrace the king's party.

Marcius and Atilius at their return to Rome reported to the senate the success of their commission. They dwelt particularly upon their address, in their stratagem to deceive Perseus, by granting him a truce, which prevented him from beginning the war immediately with advantage, as he might have done, and gave the Romans time to complete their preparations, and to take the field. They did not forget their success in dissolving the general assembly of the Boeotians, to prevent their uniting with Macedonia by common consent.

The greatest part of the senate expressed much satisfaction in so wise a conduct, which argued profound policy and uncommon dexterity in negociation. But the old senators, who had imbibed other principles, and persevered in their ancient maxims, said, they did not recognise the Roman character in such dealing. That their ancestors, relying more upon true valour than stratagem, used to make war openly, and not in disguise and under cover; that such unworthy artifices should be abandoned to the Carthaginians and Grecians, with whom it was more glori ous to deceive an enemy, than to conquer him with open force. That indeed stratagem sometimes, in the moment of action, seemed to succeed better than valour; but that a victory, obtained vigorously in a battle, where the force of the troops on

a Coronaa and Haliartus.

each side was tried as near as possible, and which the enemy could not ascribe either to chance or cunning, was of a much more lasting effect, because it left a strong conviction of the victor's superior force and bravery.

Notwithstanding these remonstrances of the elder senators, who could not relish these new maxims of policy, that part of the senate, which preferred the useful to the honourable, were much the majority upon this occasion, and the conduct of the two commissioners was approved. Marcius was sent again with some gallies into Greece, to regulate affairs as he should think most consistent with the service of the public; and Atilius into Thessaly, to take possession of Larissa; lest upon the expiration of the truce, Perseus should make himself master of that important place, the capital of the country. Lentulus was also sent to Thebes, to have an eye upon Boeotia.

Though the war with Perseus was resolved at Rome, the senate gave audience to his ambassadors. They repeated the same things, which had been said in the interview with Marcius, and endeavoured to justify their master, principally upon the attempt he was accused of having made on the person of Eumenes. They were heard with little or no attention, and the senate ordered them, and all the Macedonians at Rome, to quit the city immediately, and Italy in thirty days. The consul Licinius, who was to command in Macedonia, had orders to march as soon as possible with his army. The prætor Lucretius, who had the command of the fleet, set out with five and forty gallies from Naples, and arrived in fi e days at Cephalonia, where he waited for the arrival of the land forces.

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171.

SECT. II. The consul Licinius and king Perseus take the field. They both encamp near the river Peneus, at some distance from each other. Engagement of the cavalry, in which Perseus has considerably the advantage, and makes an ill use of it. He endeavours to make a peace, but ineffectually. The armies on both sides go into winter quarters.

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A. M. THE consul Licinius, after having offered his Ant. J.C. vows to the gods in the capitol, set out from Rome, covered with a coat of arms, according to the custom. The departure of the consuls, says Livy, was always attended with great solemnity, and an incredible concourse of the people, especially upon an important war, and against a powerful enemy. Besides the interest which every individual might have in the glory of the consul, the citizens were induced to throng about him, out of a curiosity to see the general, to whose prudence and valour the fate of the republic was confided. A thousand anxious thoughts presented themselves at that time to their minds upon the events of the war, which are always precarious and uncertain. They remembered the defeats which had happened through the bad conduct and temerity, and the victories for which they were indebted to the wisdom and courage of their generals. "What mortal (said they) can know the "fate of a consul at his departure; whether we shall see him with his victorious army return in triumph to the capitol, from whence he sets out, after having offered up his prayers to the gods, or whether the enemy may not rejoice in his "overthrow?" The ancient glory of the Macedonians; that of Philip who had made himself famous by his wars, and particularly by that against the Romans, added very much to the reputation of Perseus; and every body knew, that from his accesa Liv. lib. xlii. n. 49-63.

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sion to the crown a war had been expected from him. Full of such thoughts, the citizens conducted the consul out of the city. C. Claudius and Q. Mutius, who had both been consuls, did not think it below them to serve in his army in quality of military tribunes (or as we may now say, as colonels or brigadiers) and went with him; as did P. Lentulus and the two Manlii Acidini. The consul repaired in their company to Brundusium, which was the rendezvous of the army, and passing the sea with all his troops, arrived at Nymphæum, in the country of the Apollonians.

Perseus, some days before, upon the report of his ambassadors who had returned from Rome, and assured him that there remained no hope of peace, held a great council, in which opinions were different. Some thought it necessary for him either to pay tribute, if required, or give up a part of his dominions, if the Romans insisted upon it; in a word, to suffer every thing that could be endured, for the sake of peace, rather than expose his person and kingdom to the danger of entire destruction. That if a part of his kingdom was left him, time and chance might produce favourable conjunctures, to put him in a condition not only to recover all he had lost, but even to render him formidable to those, who at present made Macedonia tremble.

The greater number were of a quite different opinion. They insisted, that by making cession of any part he must determine to lose all his kingdom. That it was neither money nor lands that incited the ambition of the Romans, but universal empire. That they knew the greatest kingdoms and most powerful empires were subject to frequent revolutions. That they had humbled, or rather ruined Carthage, without taking possession of its territories; contenting themselves with keeping it in awe by the neighbourhood of Masinissa. That they had driven Antiochus and his son beyond mount Taurus. That there was no kingdom but Macedonia that was capable of giving

umbrage to, or making head against, the Romans; That prudence required Perseus, whilst he was still master of it, seriously to consider with himself, whether by making the Romans sometimes one concession, and sometimes another, he was resolved to see himself deprived of all power, expelled from his dominions, and obliged to ask as a favour of the Romans, permission to retire and confine himself in Samothracia, or some other island, there to pass the rest of his days in contempt and misery, with the mortification of surviving his glory and empire; or whether he would prefer to hazard all the dangers of the war, armed as became a man of courage in defence of his fortunes and dignity; and in case of being victorious, have the glory of delivering the universe from the Roman yoke. That it would be no more a wonder to drive the Romans out of Greece, than it had been to drive Hannibal out of Italy. Besides, was it consistent for Perseus, after having opposed his brother with all his efforts, when he attempted to usurp his crown, to resign it meanly to strangers, that endeavoured to wrest it out of his hands? That in fine, all the world agreed, that there was nothing more inglorious than to give up empire without resistance, nor more laudable than to have used all possible endeavours to preserve it.

This council was held at Pella, the ancient capital of Macedonia. "Since you think it so necessary," said the king, "let us make war then with the help of the gods." He gave orders at the same time to his generals to assemble all their troops at Citium, whither he went soon after himself, with all the lords of his court, and his regiments of guards, after having offered a sacrifice of an hecatomb, or an hundred oxen, to Minerva Alcidema. He found the whole army assembled there. amounted, including the foreign troops, to thirty nine thousand foot, of whom almost half composed the phalanx, and four thousand horse. agreed that since the army Alexander the Great led

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