cise of his constitutional prerogative of chusing his own ministers, we are greatly pleased with his honourable and elevated views on the subject of negociation. He highly approved of preserving and strengthening the connection of this country with the nations of the continent, as not only necessary to the security of Britain, but the independence of Europe. Concert, his Lordship regarded as indispensible means of either a secure and honourable peace, or a successful war. This was the language of a distinguished statesman, who, when in power himself, had strenuously supported the policy which he now recommended; and this was the natural language of any man who at once contemplated the character and designs of Buonaparté, and wished his projects to be defeated.

Mr. Fox took a very different ground, and his propositions, if adopted, were peculiarly calculated for promoting the dissolving schemes of the Corsican. Why, said this orator, should his Majesty consult any power of the continent? Mr. Fox declared he did not conceive there was any necessity for entering into any kind of explanation with the powers of the continent; let our King simply declare his sentiments, as they arose from the circumstances and relations of Great Britain, without any reference to other states, the amount of this reasoning is, let us avoid every kind of concert with the continent, and let us either fight or treat with Buonaparté alone. This is the very object which Buonaparté has uniformly sought and eagerly hopes to accomplish; to separate Britain and the continental powers; and if the British senator had been exciting his ingenuity to find out how he could most effectually gratify the most rancorous enemy of his country, he could not have fallen upon any means better calculated to that end.

Hoc Ithacus velit, et magno mercentur Atridæ.

The answer of Mr. Pitt to this observation of Mr. Fox, as far as it referred to the disposition of Russia, must be read with peculiar satisfaction by every friend to the security and independence of continental states. "His Majesty, (he said) has particularly pointed the attention of the House to the intercourse now subsisting between him and the wise and magnanimous Emperor of Russia, than whom there is

no greater friend to the independence and prosperity of Europe." "We with much pleasure observed, that both Houses unanimously supported an address to his Majesty, approving of the principles of acting in concert with the great powers

of the continent.

We very much doubt that peace can be attained in the present circumstances; we think that no peace will be safe which shall not contract France within her ancient boundaries. If we leave to this adventurer his present gigantic power, we give him a breathing time that may enable him to recover by art and insinuation, the influence which he lately possessed throughout the continent. What prudence, and indeed a still more imperious principle, selfpreservation, must impel Britain and her co-operators to require; ambition and arrogant insolence will not permit our opponent to concede. It is evident that the chief maritime power of the world, and one of the chief land powers, are disposed and determined, either through peace or war, to reduce the boundaries of Corsican tyranny. It is also ascertained, that both possess such an efficient force as can support their determination. The Russian army is immense in numbers, potent in courage, and formidable in military efficiency. The soldiers who fought under Romanzoff and Suwaroff, are fit to meet any troops that ever ranged round the standard of Buonaparté. Prussia, we trust, will join her strength to the strength of Russia; but, however this may be, there is little doubt she will favour the common cause, and allow a passage to the northern troops. Sweden is now no less ardent in the desire of humbling this tyranny, than she was under her last heroic sovereign, when he was prematurely cut off by assassination. But the state of Britain is such as to afford every ground for confidently expecting success. Our navy, relatively to the navy of our enemy, is much more formidable than in any preceding period of our history; our army also far exceeds any former force. Our first military preparations on the recommencement of war, were chiefly confined to defence; the grand object of Mr. Pitt was to provide not merely for defence, but also for attack, to have a very great disposeable army. This was the object, principle, and design of the military system which he proposed. The result, it appears, is, that our army, ready

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A

to be sent upon any foreign service, is far beyond the most sanguine conceptions. Our finances are in a prosperous tuation. Taxes press much more lightly than the nation. deemed it her duty to bear seven years ago, in circumstances which, though very urgent, were not so urgent as the present. Discontent is much less strong and virulent. Hence, probably it arises, that we do not hear, as in the former war, such a childish and importunate clamour for peace. Britons now seem to regard peace as one blessing; but not EVERY blessing ought to be purchased by degrading and injurious sacrifices. We do not think the people in general, at present wish for peace, at least on such terms as Buonaparté will probably offer. Peace, we think, in the whole relation' of the case, by no means probable, and we think our countrymen firmly and boldly resolved to contribute every effort for success for war, should hostilities continue to be necessary. We deprecate a peace upon any grounds on which we can conceive it at present attainable; and if we should hereafter approve of any treaty, it must be from concessions from Buonaparté which justice would dictate, but ambition, rapacity and pride, are we think likely to prevent.

Mr. Fox, and some other senators, professed that they would not prejudge the dispute with Spain before they were in possession of full information. But Mr. Fox did prejudge the question; for he asserted, that the seizure of the frigates was wrong, before he had an opportunity of examining the acts and documents, or of knowing whether the seizure was wrong or right, Spain is manifestly a mere dependancy of Buonaparté, which he uses as suits his will, and is no more able to resist the power of Buonaparté, than a willow twig, to resist the mechanic, who bends it according to his pleasure or convenience. The Corsican has used this ozier as a provision basket, Spain, by peace with Britain, suffered to convey her treasures from America to Europe, has afforded a peculiar supply, which the expensive projects of the Corsican very much wanted. Our government endeavoured, by pacific representation, to prevent Spain from furnishing to our inveterate enemy the means of war. our opinion, such application was continued too long; and it would have been much wiser many months before, to have adopted the energetic policy, which, in some circumstances

In

somewhat

somewhat similar, though much less urgent, was proposed by Mr. Secretary Pitt. Such decisive policy we do think has too long been deferred; at present we think it not only wise but necessary. His Majesty was absolutely bound to take such measures of precaution as would not allow an enemy, who was already too formidable, to acquire any additional means and resources for carrying on the war against this country.

Mr. Fox made some allusion to the Catholic question : our opinion upon that subject has been so frequently given, and supported by such arguments, that we think it not necessary to revert to it here. Should such a measure be brought forward, we shall enter fully into the discussion; at present, we shall content ourselves with observing, that we trust the series of our reasoning and conduct has demonstrated us to be firmly attached to the welfare of IreLand, and every other part of the British empire, as any of the most ardent votaries of Catholic emancipation. We certainly do not conceive ourselves to yield to Mr. Fox in attachment to our king or to our country. We have urged many arguments against this scheme of Popish descendancy, and most of them we shall not here repeat. One we again shall urge, and probably again and again: religious toleration is an indulgence, which the freedom of the human understanding and human will, generally requires, and may be regarded as a natural and just right, originating in the constitution of human nature; admission to political privileges and offices, is a simple question of expediency. The Irish Catholics, as a great body of men, in the present state of knowledge and circumstances, are not fit for being entrusted with political franchises, the poor, ignorant, and illiterate peasants would not be improved by political privileges; they would not thereby acquire motives to industry, or means of independence, but would have additional temptations to low debauchery; improve their domestic and civil condition, enlighten their understandings, humanise their manners, reform their vices, and stimulate their industry. Such changes, and not the privilege of polling at elections, are the means, and the only means of bestowing on them that happiness. which the votaries of the new project, profess desire to confer.

ANTI-JACOBIN

Review and Magazine;

&c. &c. &c.

For SEPTEMBER, 1804.

Ecce tibi, qui Rex populi Romani, dominufque omnium gentium effe concupierit, idque perfecerit: hanc cupiditatem fi honeftam quis effe dicit, amens eft; probat enim legum, et libertatis interitum; earumque oppreffionem tetram et deteftabilem, gloriofam putat.

CIC. OFF. lib. 3. 21.

ORIGINAL CRITICISM.

Remarks on a Pamphlet by Thomas Kipling, D. D. Dean of Peterborough, entitled "The Articles of the Church of England proved not to be Calvinistic." By Academicus. 8vo. Pp. 32. Deighton, Cambridge; Mawman, Hatchard, and Matthews, London; Cooke, Oxford; and Todd, York. 1802.

A Reply to Academicus, in a Letter addressed to the Rev. Mr. Michell, M. A. Fellow of King's College, in Cambridge. By a Friend of the Rev. Dr. Kipling, Dean of Peterborough. 8vo. PP. 77. Hurft, London; Deighton, Cambridge; and Todd, York. 1803. THE THE mafterly pamphlet of the Dean of Peterborough performed two very effential services to the Church of England, and the caufe of truth. From the authentic works of Calvin himself it gave us (what our modern Calvinifts are, in general, extremely folicitous to conceal) a faithful picture of what Calvinifm is; and it proved to a demonstration that the doctrinal standards of our excellent Church are fo far from being, as is confidently afferted, in harmony with Calvinism, that they are, in a great variety of the most fundamental points, in decided oppofition to that wild and blafphemous fyftem of theology. It was natural to expect that such a publication fhould excite keen resentment in the minds of "the True Churchmen;" fince, while it totally demolished the very foundations of their favourite fu

* For a minute account of which see our XVIth Vol. p.54, &c.

NO. LXXV, VOL, XIX.

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perftructure,