Sweden and Denmark, whose internal condition is meliorated, and promises a happy future to the people, have no longer any weight in the balance of politics. It is known what part Sweden acted, even after having contributed to the success of the coalition.

The kingdom of the Netherlands, appears to our author to be in a position of security. He extols the wisdom of the political combination which presided at that establishment, and believes it to be guaranteed by the common interests of Europe. We do not know how far the amalgamation of Belgians and Hollanders is solid and durable. We fear that Mr. de Pradt makes too little account of the aversions and affinities of one people to another. Belgium likes neither Austria, whose yoke she has broken, nor Prussia, who is given to her as a neighbour, nor Holland, with whom she has been incorporated by force. We have great respect for European diplomacy, but we learn in history, by more than one example, that these heterogeneous alliances produce no good.

Prussia extends one arm to the gates of Thionville, and the other to Memel on the Niemen, the frontier of Russia; where is the body which unites these members? Prussia is in a situation unsafe in every respect; she was so before the invasion of Poland, and the sanction given to that act by the congress of Vienna. A single word from Russia would cause a dismemberment of Prussia, by the separation of the Polonese territories; on the side of Austria, war would be not less fatal; and an alliance with that old rival against Russia, would seem perilous, even to the least timid. In such a case, says Mr. de Pradt, which would be most dangerous, an alliance or a war? Prussia has still a support in France, but she has been aggrandized at the expense of the latter; false views of politics has sown dissension between the two powers, by bringing them in contact, when their ancient relations ought to have been restored, instead of establishing those points of contact, which serve only to keep alive recent animosities.

Austria, so rich in population, so fertile in resources, so firm in adversity, so constant in the maxims of her politics and her ambition, has resumed her ancient station in Germany. She occupies the whole space between the lake of Constance and the gates of Belgrade between Alexandria on the Tanaro, and the frontiers of Turkey. This space is immense; and unfortunately the system of Austria excludes the great Italian kingdom, which entered wisely into the political designs of France. The French sovereignty, exercised momentarily over Italy,' continues our author, prepared the way for the lasting freedom of that country; on the contrary, the dominion of Austria confirms its annihilation, and affixes to its dependant state, the seal of eternity.' But let Mr. de Pradt reassure himself, there is nothing eternal in the systems of man, and we venture to predict, that the time will come, when reason and sound policy will revive the ancient queen of the world. Whatever truth there may be in his reflections, we ought

not to forget that Austria is one of the most powerful barriers of Europe, against invasion from the north.

'From the time of Solyman II, to that of Maria Theresa, the Turks gave abundant employment to Austria; but Solyman would now have to seek his empire as Charles V. did his.' These expressions sufficiently indicate that Mr. de Pradt considers Turkey as almost nothing, in the general interests of the continent. Tur key is formidable only to those who would invade her. Her armies may be beaten, but her people will not be reduced.

The new system of the Germanic empire is, according to Mr. de Pradt, at the same time less solid, and less conformable to the interests of the German states, than the confederation of the Rhine. He thinks that Austria and Prussia, by their constant opposition, have destroyed the band of Germanic union and concord; that there are no longer Germans in Germany, but merely Prussians and Austrians, and less of the latter than of the former. For it is impossible to deny, that great part of Germany leans towards Prussia, as a support and defence against Austria. Mr. de Pradt regards the system of Napoleon as more safe for Europe than the new system sanctioned by the treaty of Vienna. He explains his views of this subject with his usual frankness. The plans of Napoleon,' he says, had evidently two branches; 1st, a guaranty for France against the coalitions of Prussia, Austria, and Russia. 2d, The establishment of a barrier against Russia. A twofold principle had constantly directed him-the necessity of arresting British power on the ocean, and Russian power on the continent. He took into consideration the dangers to others as well as himself. In this point of view, the plans of Napoleon were more European than French. His schemes were vast and useful to all, sound in their principle, but disordered in their execution—a source of safety to Europe, and a cause of ruin to himself. We must leave it to time to show, whether Germany will find her situation improved, when she sees the advance-posts of the Russians on the Oder, and the frontiers of Moravia, or even upon the Dneiper and the Dwina; whether she will be better defended by little sovereignties in great numbers, than by great sovereignties in small number. The whole question for Germany is there. It is for publicists to pronounce on this matter; if Mr. de Pradt is right in his conjectures, it is mortifying to think that so much blood should have flowed, so much wealth been dissipated, to produce only a change injurious to the glorious continent, the region of intelligence, and the model of civilization.

O grief!' Mr. de Pradt suddenly exclaims, in speaking of France, we see as if banished to the extremity of Europe, exiled and proscribed, and receiving her laws and destinies from abroad, that power which, during fifteen years, had given commands to Europe. An example, how memorable! of the imprudence of nations however great, who place their fate, like an annuity, upon the chance of the fortune, or the genius of a single man.'

The French empire, says Mr. de Pradt, could boast of more than 42,000,000 people, France has only 30,000,000. The French empire enjoyed a revenue of 1100 millions, France has a certain income of but 650 millions. Never did a state lose so much at once. Notwithstanding the immense losses which force, not justice nor sound policy has caused to her, France still possesses, of which the author irresistibly shows will be developed, but her political influence is singularly restricted. Strong by her own weight, she was still more so by means of her alliances. With Prussia, she threatened Austria; with Sweden and Turkey, she stayed the progress of Russia; the constant need of the protection insured her a high importance in the Germanic empire; the support which she always gave to the republics of Genoa and Venice, her ascendant at Naples, not then as now, the vassal of Austria and England, gave her an important influence in Italy; she combatted or balanced England with her colonies, with her fleets united to those of Spain, and with the happy accession of Holland to the maritime confederation, prepared by the count de Vergennes. All these sources of power are destroyed, or turned against her; and if adopting the opinion of our author, we could find in the new system a hope of the diminution of the causes of war in Europe, one cannot see much reason for security in the entire ruin of a power so necessary as France to the equilibrium of the continent. The treaty of Westphalia, displayed more wisdom and generosity than the performance so much praised, of modern diplomacy. Louis XIV and Napoleon, in the delirium of their prosperity, never imposed on their enemies conditions such as those dictated to us under the name of moderation and friendship.

Portugal is no longer in Europe, it is entirely at Brazil. Spain, who aspired, under Charles V. to universal empire, is dying of the remedies applied to the wounds she has received. Soon she will have no blood left. Mr. de Pradt expresses the most touching regret for two people formerly so great, and now departed, as it were, from the scene of the world;-thanks to the triumphs of su perstition and intolerance, and all the prejudices which bring evil on subjects, and ruin upon states.

The author deplores the destiny of Italy, fallen again into her lethargy, after the few moments of her brilliant awakening. Napoleon intended to render Italy an imposing power; but half-way measures have rendered that plan abortive. Henceforth, English or Austrian, Italy will be Italy no more; and thus adding her population to the rest of the south of Europe, there are 28,000,000 of men absolutely estranged from the general politics, and without influence in the European association.

Such is the picture of Europe, as she has been new modelled; thus she presents herself to the two colussi, which alarm the fears of Mr. de Pradt, and whose gigantic proportions we are about to examine with him. We shall speak first of the most redoubtable,

of that one which appears capable of devouring Europe, if ambition shall be her counsellor.

Dominion has passed from France to Russia, and Europe has lost by the change, as much as France has herself; by a remarkable conformity with the situation of England, Russia is almost equally isolated. From the wall of China to the plains of Moravia and the gates of Breslau, Russia has neither frontier line nor neighbours; all that immense space recognizes her alone as mistress. On one side, her flanks are covered by the pole and the Baltic; on another, by Caucasus and the Caspian sea, the Danube and the Black sea. The people inhabiting the countries bordering on her, either brutalized by ignorance, or sunk in effeminacy, are too infirm to cause her any annoyance; she, therefore, can bring all her force to bear on the menacing frontier which she opposes to Europe. Sweden can no longer wound her through Finland, which she has lost; while a vast distance, tempestuous seas, and the north wind with his icy breath defends her from the attacks of England. Charles XII. in the eighteenth century, and Napoleon in the nineteenth, were reserved by a similar fatality, to inscribe with indelible characters on the frontier of this land of dition, what Dante has written on the gate of hell—' Ye that enter here, abandon hope.' Thus Russia sees her strength increase with the despair of her enemies, and by their inability to injure her as she can always injure them, at home.

per

The further we proceed in the perusal of Mr. de Pradt's work, the more evident it appears that he is panic struck with the dangers that menace Europe. He sees that Russia, already possessing 45,000,000 of inhabitants, will have in a century 100 million of athletic peasants, obedient to the orders of men, equal in civilization to the most civilized of the continent. He sees in Petersburg a luxurious capital, which will send forth the ministers of ambition to make a conquest of the world.

Mr. de Pradt, whose exuberance of ideas, and lively imagination, impel him sometimes into inconsistencies, shows us himself correctives for this danger from the power of Russia. In a chapter upon the spirit of the present politics, he exhibits the times of the agitations as passed, Europe as chained by her new destinies, the great and the little states equally constrained; the first by prudence, the latter by weakness, to remain in their present condition. A long peace must be the consequence, he argues, of the personal character of the monarchs, and from the consideration that any war, as it must be a war of alliance, must also be universal. The public debts also, which Mr. de Pradt so justly considers, on other ac. counts, as cause of alarm, present great and salutary obstacles to the rupture of the peace. Finally, he gives as guarantees of the present security, the general direction of the public mind towards commerce and the mutual inter-communication of nations, the salutary erection of representative governments and liberal institu tions, which have grown out of the improvement of the age, and the

influence of which is irresistible, as soon as ingenuity has brought them to light.

England remains a source of so great admiration for her laws and noble institutions, and the object of so just an odium for her unbridled ambition, and the immorality of a policy which holds nothing sacred, when in the attempt to give supreme dominion to a handful of islanders over the whole world. We must acknowledge that, blinded by the prodigies of her influence and fortune, during twenty years, Mr. de Pradt, who hates her as a Frenchman, allows himself to fall into a silly admiration for Britain. Her empire,' he says, ' is immense and indestructible. From Heligoland to Madras, and from the Ganges to Hudson's bay; from Jersey to Gibraltar, to Corfu, to Malta, to the Cape of Good Hope, to St. Helena, to the Isle of France, to Ceylon, to Antigua, Trinidad, Jamaica, and Halifax; every where he beholds her seated on rocks or impregnable islands; every where in situations safe for herself and threatening to other people.' This is certainly an imposing view, but has all this grandeur as much solidity as splendour? What are the earthly structures that have endured long after reaching such an elevation? Mr. de Pradt attributes all the prosperity of England to the government which she enjoys. Undoubtedly their constitution has done much for the English. It has raised them far above what they were under weak and absolute princes, who contended constantly against their liberty; but God forbid that any other nation, above all, our own, should draw from a liberal constitution the principles and crimes of English politics! It is an horrible abuse of liberty, to render it an instrument of oppression and of ruin to others, &c.

What our author observes of the exclusive preponderance of Great Britain upon the sea, and the difficulty of disputing the empire of it with her, is beyond all contradiction. We do not think with him, that France is fated always to act a passive part on the land; a warlike nation cannot at once be struck off the military and political map with a stroke of the pen, but we cannot but applaud the remarks of the publicist on the part our country is called upon to play in the confederation of all the marines of Europe against the common oppressor. His ideas on the impolicy of all treaties that may oblige France to enter into a war on land, and upon the union which she ought to form with North America and South America, appear to us to be marked by foresight and patriotism. In this last respect, France cannot too well consider the reflection of the author. If care be not taken, Spanish America will become British, not by means of government, but of commerce; and the markets of America open exclusively to our rivals, will become a new source of oppression and ruin for us. We must hope that such important objects are not lost sight of by our government. We know not whether Mr. de Pradt expects much from the foresight of Europe, but he places his hopes in a champion that liberty has raised up, and that France, whose services she can never for