Hamburgh, she went to reside with him at Silk, a village in the duchy of Holstein, about fifteen miles from Hamburgh. There Madame de Genlis at length enjoyed repose, and she resumed her literary occupations, which had been so long suspended. In this retreat she wrote several novels, namely, Rash Vows, The Rival Mothers, The Little Emigrants, and The Knights of the Swan. She also published a narrative of her conduct during the revolution, in answer to the calumnies by which she had been assailed. In the year 1800, the French government called Madame de Genlis from her retreat, and granted her permission to return to her country. She thankfully embraced the opportunity of being restored to her daughter, her grand-children, and such of her friends who still survived. She has ever since resided at Paris. Having been deprived of her fortune by the events of the revolution, she has principally supported herself by the honourable exertion of those talents which she successfully cultivated in happier days, when they formed merely the amusement of her leisure hours. Since her return to France, she has published several historical novels, remarkable for elegance of style, and faithful delineations of manners, but among all her productions, that with which she has thought proper to terminate her literary career, has perhaps, excited the greatest interest. We allude to Les Parvenus, ou l'Histoire de Julien Delmour; a translation of which has just appeared under the title of The New Era.* In this work she has given an interesting picture of the state of society and manners in France for the last thirty years, and she adduces amidst all the horrors of the revolution, examples of sublime piety and devoted attachment, which will, doubtless, throw a gleam of lustre on that unhappy period.

ART. XI.-On American Manufactures.

The fourth position of Indagatort inferred from an interrogation, is,

That our manufactures are, and will be for ten years to come, unable to supply, at any price, the demand of the country for cotton and woollen clothing.' And this being assumed as undeniable he triumphantly asks

'Are we in order to foster your schemes of manufacturing monopoly to go half naked till you are pleased to furnish us with the coverings that climate and decency require?"

This question is founded on the idea, that a total and immediate exclusion of cotton and woollen' fabrics is contemplated, which has never entered into the mind of any rational friend of the national industry. All that is necessary, all that ever was prayed for, is such a modification of the tariff as would prevent our citizens from being overwhelmed, as they have hitherto been, by foreign competition.

*There is still another work of Madame de Genlis' forthcoming, but it was written prior to Les Parvenus.

† Analectic Magazine for July 1819.

But even if a total exclusion were to take place in a year or two, it by no means follows that it would be necessary to go half naked,' waiting till there was a supply of the coverings that climate and decency require.'

Indagator's uneasiness on this important point would have been dissipated, had he but reflected a moment on past experience. The war cut off four-fifths of our supplies of cotton and woollen goods,' as well as of most other articles; and I do not recollect, in pretty extensive travels in different quarters of the union, having ever met with man, woman, or child 'half naked, except some few unfortunate slaves in the southern states, some of whom were, as they are now, occasionally rather more than half naked.' Nor have I heard of any person who has seen decency' outraged in this way, or the demands of the climate' not fully satisfied.

The country was then unprepared, or at least nearly so, compar ed with its present situation. And it will not admit of a doubt, that if, at such short notice, it was able to supply itself, it is an extravagant error to assume an incapacity of effecting in 'ten years' what was actually accomplished in one or two; what has been done at a former day may be done at present.

I am aware that prize and smuggled goods to no inconsiderable amount were introduced into the country. But they bore but an insignificant proportion to the general consumption. Cotton and woollen goods during the war were subject, with various other articles, to a duty of thirty per cent. The whole amount of goods imported from October 1, 1813, to Sept. 30, 1814, under that duty, was only 2,843,200 dollars. Suppose I admit for argument sake, and it will be a liberal admission, that an equal value was smuggled. The aggregate would only be 5,646,400 dollars, not three-quarters of a dollar per head for the population of the United States; and of course all the residue, probably amounting to fifty millions of dollars, was furnished either by regular manufacturers, or by family labour. Must not Indagator deeply regret that his want of the necessary care and attention has betrayed him into such a vital error?

I am tempted to present this subject in another point of view, in order to display the capacity and resources of the nation on the subject of manufactures, which only require a moderate share of protection to place them beyond the power of foreign rivalship, and to infuse a degree of prosperity and happiness to our citizens, never exceeded, and rarely equalled.

In the year 1805, there were consumed in manufacturing establishments in the United States,

In 1810, fostered by the non-intercourse and other restrictive measures, the consumption rose to

Bales of Cotton.*

1000

10,000

*Report of the Committee of Commerce and Manufactures, February, 1816, Weekly Register, vol. 9, page 448.

And, wonderful to tell, in 1815, aided by the war, it rose to

The amount of the cotton goods produced in 1815, was

The amount of woollen goods produced in the same year, was

Produced in manufacturing establishments,

90,000

*24,300,000

†19,000,000

·

$ 43,300,000

From the above it appears that the increase in the consumption of cotton, (and it is but fair to presume, although we have no document on the subject, that there was an equal increase in the woollen branch) was, in ten years,' no less than ninety fold! Let Indagator ponder well on this wonderful fact, and then to his next number add an erratum' on the subject of the danger of going half naked' for an equal number of years.

One word more before we part with this topic. Cottons and woollens are at present subject to twenty-seven and a half per cent. And it appears, from an examination of the Report of the secre tary of the treasury, for the year 1817, that the whole amount of goods imported in that year, under that duty, in

American vessels, was
And in foreign vessels

$13,236,008 $2,069,506

$ 15,305,514

It is therefore manifest that the United States manufactured in the year 1815, more than twice the amount of those goods that were imported from every quarter of the world in the year 1817. SULLY.

ART. XII.-Outline of the Revolution in Spanish America; or an Account of the Origin, Progress, and actual state of the War carried on between Spain and Spanish America; containing the principal facts which have marked the Struggle. By a South American. 8vo. pp. 370.

[From the Monthly Review, Enlarged.]

SEVERAL years have passed since we had occasion to enter at length on the subject of a war between Spain and her American colonies; our reports of books on that subject dating so far back as March 1809, and April 1811. In those numbers, we rendered an account of the existing grievances of the colonists. and of the motives of that ardour to assert their independence which

*Report of the Committee of Commerce and Manufactures, February, 1816, Weekly Register, vol. ix, page 448. + Page 7.

+ Idem, vol. x.

Page 124.

awaited only the occurrence of favourable contingencies in Europe. Their country, equal in extent to twice the size of Europe, was debarred from free intercourse with other states; even the communication from province to province was restricted; all merchandize was to be obtained from Old Spain; and, though the rigour of this monopoly had been partly lessened about the year 1778, it still continued to a degree which kindled a thirst for independence in the breasts of the colonists, that prompted them to take advantage of the confusion created in Old Spain by Bonaparte's usurpation in 1808. The writer of the volume before us takes up the subject at the date of that grand convulsion; describing himself as having been an eye-witness of many of the operations that have occurred in the Spanish colonies since those feelings, which were formerly confined to discontent and remonstrance, have burst forth into open and rancorous hostility.

The colonists, did not, however, proceed immediately to the alternative of war: their first measure was to form provincial juntas, followed by a central or general junta, without casting off their allegiance to the mother-country: but, when the progressive occupation of Spain by the French became known, and the government of that kingdom was confined within the walls of Cadiz, the Americans went farther, and assumed the right of governing themselves. This conduct was viewed at home in the light of insurrection and rebellion; and Old Spain, far from profiting by the warning which the case of England might have furnished them, and being thence induced to consider the separation of her colonies as productive of eventual advantage, clung to the antiquated notions of monopoly, and declared war against the new governments. That event took place in 1810, from which time the course of public affairs in Caraccas, Mexico, and Buenos Ayres presents nothing but a succession of sanguinary struggles. The quarrel had become too aggravated to be terminated, or even mitigated, by the restoration of the royal family in Spain in 1814; and the news-papers continue to present almost daily accounts of the prolongation of a contest, in which it is hard to say whether the obstinacy or the inhumanity of the contending parties is most conspicuous.

The population of the whole of Spanish America is about thirteen millions, exclusive of Indians: the Creoles or white natives form the great majority, and are ardent for independence and separation from the mother-country: but the settlers, who, being natives of Old Spain, have come to America as emigrants, have in general a very different feeling; and it is by them, aided by troops from the mother country, that the opposition has been maintained.

The whole of Spanish America may be divided, with reference to the revolutionary movements, into four great parts; Mexico; Caraccas; the interior province of New Grenada; and Buenos Ayres. Caraccas, or to speak more comprehensively, the government of Venezuela, though the smallest of the four divisions, having hardly a million of inhabitants, was earlier enabled by its vici

nity to the sea, and its greater foreign intercourse, to assert its independence: it was the native country of the late general Miranda, the scene of his unsuccessful effort in 1806, and of his more formidable operations in 1810. On the other hand, it is easily accessible by Spanish armaments, and has consequently been often lost and won in the course of the last eight years. Bolivar, whose name figures so frequently in our news-papers, is a native of Caraccas, but was educated in Europe; and he is not a mere adventurer, but a man of hereditary property, who, like some of the French nobility in the beginning of the revolution, hopes to make a figure by putting himself at the head of the untitled class. Biron, the late commander of the patriotic flotilla, is also a man of property. Both sides have had recourse to the desperate expedient of putting arms into the hands of the negroes; in other words of arresting the whole productive industry of the country.

The scenes of judicial murder in the French revolution are here renewed; even prisoners taken in fair fighting are (pp. 149, 152.) frequently put to death; and of the acrimony that marks this bitter warfare we select the following specimen from the journal, not of a partisan of either side, but of an Englishman, captain Hardy, of the ship Mermaid.

Cumana, 12th June, 1816.

"I witnessed the following barbarous act. A female of a most respectable family in Cumana, having spoken against the Spanish government, and in favour of the patriotic party, was placed on an ass, led through the streets, attended by a guard of ten soldiers; at the corner of every street, and opposite the houses of her nearest connexions, she received a certain number of lashes on her bare back, nearly two hundred, the number she was sentenced to receive. The poor sufferer was blindfolded, and bore the inhuman treatment with as much fortitude as was ever possibly exhibited on a similar occasion. Her cries were feeble, but I could discover, notwithstanding that a handkerchief concealed her face, her tears trickling down.

""I saw but one dozen lashes inflicted. Some of my crew, who were on shore, saw the whole sentence put in execution. My feelings were too much shocked for curiosity even to overcome them. I made particular inquiries respecting the unfortunate girl two days after, and was informed that she refused all food and medical assistance; and in a few days after that, I heard that she was dead, being unable, from her exquisite feelings, to survive the disgrace and pain she had suffered."

Amid such scenes of horror and indiscriminate carnage, it is some satisfaction to trace examples of patriotism which would have done honour to the best days of Rome or Athens.

'An officer, of the name of Ricaute, whose family was among the most distinguished at Santa Fé de Bogota, was appointed to guard a powder magazine when San Mateo was attacked, the 25th