st

o trn t m

[7] of violent men have sought [10] after my soul, and have not set thee before them. f vint mn h aftr m sl a h n st t bfr thm 15. But thou, O Lord, art a God full of compassion, and gracious [8]; long-suffering, b th 0 1 rag Af compssion a grsious long sfring and plenteous in mercy and truth, 16. O turn unto me, and have mercy upon me: a plnteous n mrsy a trth a h mrsy p m give thy strength [12] unto thy servant, and save the son of thine handmaid. 17. Shew g thy struth thy srvant a SV t sn f thn andmd me a token for good: that they which hate me may see it, and be ashamed: because m a tkn f gd th th ch at m m se t a b ashmd bks thou, Lord, hast holpen me, and comforted me. th 1 ast olpn m

t

a

comfrtd m

sho

Part of Lord John Russell's speech in the House of Commons, for the repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts. See plate xi.

Sir, I have shown (7) that the acts (11) to which I have called the attention of the House, originated in circumstances (25) altogether different from those under which their burden is complained of, and their repeal sought (10) for. I have gone through the causes which occasioned [6] the enactment of the statutes; [2] I have enumerated the reasons that now exist for their abandonment; I have endeavoured to show [7] that so far from not inflicting any hardship [12] on the body against whom they are directed, they are in fact the cause of great mischief and injustice, and produce a

correspondent degree of irritation, on the minds of the parties aggrieved by them. I have shown or attempted to show that these laws [15] are founded on principles of persecution; that they inflict very serious grievances on a large proportion of our population; that in their spirit and operation they are totally at variance with the improved state of our own legislation in relation to these matters, both in Scotland and Ireland; and that they are diametrically opposed to the legislation of all liberal and enlightened [10] Christian [13] countries. Sir, I think an alteration in these laws are most loudly called for, and most imperatively demanded at our hand: rather as their repeal will tend to render the dissenters more attached to the Constitution, and more willing to bear with cheerfulness their proportion of the burdens imposed on them for the maintenance of the church and state, [2] great as these burdens most undoubtedly are. I advocate the repeal of these laws, because I am convinced that their abolition will materially tend to allay the bitterness of party and religious feeling, and contribute to the promotion of harmony and good will among the different classes of his majesty's subjects! But, sir, I urge the repeal of these enactments, because I am satisfied that it will suit the tone and spirit of the time. It will be better to consent to the repeal of these enactments, than to permit the existence of those angry yet inefficient and impracticable laws which are a disgrace to the statute book.

Majority for the motion, 44. See punctuation 1st. † See punctuation 9th.

EXERCISE IV.-Extract from President Washington's Speech to the First American Congress, April 30, 1789. See plate xii

No

"With the impressions under which I have, in obedience to the public summons, repaired to the present station, it would be peculiarly improper to omit, in this first official act, my fervent supplications to that Almighty Being who rules over the universe, who presides in the councils of nations, and whose providential aids can supply every human defect, that his benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States, a government instituted by themselves; and may enable every instrument employed in its administration, to execute with success the functions allotted to his charge. In tendering this homage to the Great Author of every public and private good, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own; nor those of my fellow-citizens[9] at large less than either. people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the invisible hand which conducts the affairs of men, more than the people of the United States. Every step by which they have advanced to the character[13] of an independent nation, seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency. And in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government, the tranquil deliberation and voluntary consent of so many distinct communities, from which the event has resulted, cannot be compared with the means by which most governments have been established, without some return of pious gratitude along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seem to presage. These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed. You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none, under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free government can more auspiciously commence. "By the article establishing the executive department, it is made the duty of the President to recommend to your consideration such measures as he should judge necessary and expedient.' The circumstances under which I now meet you will acquit me from entering into that subject, further than to refer you to the great constitutional charter under which we are assembled, and which, in defining your powers, designates the objects to which your attention is to be given. It will be more consistent with those circumstances, and far more congenial with the feelings which actuate me, to substitute, in place of a recommendation of particular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents, the rectitude, and the patriotism, which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them. In these honourable qualifications I behold the surest pledges, that as on one side no local prejudices or attachments, no separate views nor party animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought to watch over this great assemblage of communities and interests,-so, on another, that the foundation of our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality; and the pre-eminence of a free government be exemplified by all the attributes which can win the affections of its citizens, and command the respect of the world.

"I dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent love for my country can inspire; since there is no truth more thoroughly established, than that there exists in the economy and course of nature an indissoluble union between virtue and happiness-between duty and advantage-between the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous policy, and the solid rewards of public prosperity and felicity. Since we ought to be no less persuaded, that the propitious smiles of Heaven can never be expected on a nation that disregards the eternal rules of order and right, which Heaven itself has ordained. And since the preservation of the sacred fire of liberty, and the destiny of the republican model of government is justly considered as deeply, perhaps as finally staked, on the experiment entrusted to the hands of the American people. Instead of undertaking particular recommendation, in which I could be guided by no lights derived from official opportunities, I shall again give way to my entire confidence in your discernment, in pursuit of the public good; for I assure myself that whilst you carefully avoid every alteration which might endanger the benefits of an united and effective government, or which ought to await the future lessons of experience, a reverence for the characteristic rights of freemen, and a regard for the public harmony, will sufficiently influence your deliberation on the questions, how far the former can be more impregnably fortified, or the latter be safely and more advantageously promoted. Having thus imparted to you my sentiments, as they have been awakened by the occasion which brings us together, I shall take my present leave; but not without resorting once more to the benign Parent of the human race, in humble supplication, that since he has been pleased to favour the American people with opportunities for deliberating in perfect tranquility,and dispositions for deciding with unparalleled unanimity, on a form of government for the security of their union, and the advancement of their happiness; so his divine blessing may be equally conspicuous in the enlarged views, the temperate consultations, and the war measures, on which the success of this government must depend."