England two years ago; when our political | are daily administering. If any man were influence among the nations of the earth to say so, he would not be credited. But was infinitely greater, not than our means they think that because our government of defending our independence or asserting know the full value of these advantages, our honour, but infinitely greater than any therefore, from political jealousy, they power we possess of controlling the con- seek to retain the monopoly for England. duct of others. It is thus that they imagine, that the atrocities of Miguel in Portugal are redeemed in our eyes, by his merit in destroying the constitution. It is thus, that they suppose we are making Austria our instrument, while she fancies us her tool; it is thus, that they see in the delay in executing the treaty of July, not so much fear of Turkish assistance, as invincible repugnance to Grecian freedom.

In the second of these conditions, stands Austria now; who by the narrowness of her views, and the unfortunate prejudices of her policy, has almost reduced herself, in point of influence, to the level of a second rate power; notwithstanding her vast dominions, her ample resources, her warlike population, and her centrical position in Europe. Such England was; such Austria is: what England is now, parliament has no means of knowing, except from vague and uncertain report. I trust that when the time shall come, that the lips of the government shall be unsealed, we shall find that we have maintained our former dignity, and have not lost caste in Europe. But it is impossible for any man of late, to have set foot beyond the shores of these islands, without observing with deep mortification, a great and sudden change in the manner, in which England is spoken of abroad; without finding, that instead of being looked up to as the patron, no less than the model of constitutional freedom, as the refuge from persecution, and the shield against oppression, her name is coupled by every tongue, with every thing on the continent that is hostile to improvement and friendly to despotism, from the banks of the Tagus to the shores of the Bosphorus; and that she is represented as the key-stone of that arch, of which Miguel, and Spain, and Austria, and Mahmood, are the component members. Time was, and that but lately, when England was regarded by Europe, as the friend of liberty and civilization, and therefore of happiness and prosperity, in every land; because it was thought that her rulers had the wisdom to discover, that the selfish interests and political influence of England, were best promoted, by the extension of liberty and civilization. Now, on the contrary, the prevailing opinion is, that England thinks her advantage to lie, in withholding from other countries that constitutional liberty, which she herself enjoys. Not that they fancy that the rulers of England can be insensible to the blessings and the energy which spring from those popular institutions which they themselves

I trust that when the time shall come, when the government shall feel itself at liberty, to lay before parliament, the whole course of its negotiations, and to explain the tone, and the spirit, and the objects of its communications with foreign powers, all these unfavourable impressions will be dispelled; and I rejoice, that by the present motion, such a development. will be afforded, at least, in the case of Portugal.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, that every statesman who had hitherto undertaken the government of this country had felt it to be his duty to endeavour, as far as in him lay, to contribute to the maintenance of public tranquillity. It remained for his noble friend who had just sat down to pursue a different course. His noble friend objected to the course pursued by government, and for this reason, that his voice was for war, whilst that of the government was for peace. His noble friend said, that we ought to compel other nations to follow our course of policy? But how could we enforce that compulsion except by measures of war? On what grounds, too, was it, that his noble friend would drive the country into war? Was it because Don Miguel was at the head of a faction, and that Portugal was not attached to him? A war with such an enemy might, at first view, appear easy of termination; but his noble friend ought to recollect, that the war of the French Revolution, which at its commencement appeared so easy of termination, did not conclude until after a long and expensive contest of five and twenty years. noble friend, however, was not satisfied with plunging the country into one war for Portugal-he was also anxious to plunge it into another for the sake of Greece; and as if

His

HOUSE OF COMMONS:

Tuesday, June 2.

PARLIAMENTARY REFORM.]. Marquis of Blandford, in rising to move certain Resolutions on the subject of Parliamentary Reform, addressed the Speaker to the following effect :

that were not enough, he recommended the military occupation of Madeira by British troops.-The right hon. gentleman said he must advert to an accusation which his noble friend had preferred against the government; namely, that it had neglected to make any remonstrance with the Portuguese government, in order to prevent the infliction of outrage and injustice on In pursuance, Sir, of the notice which British subjects resident in Portugal. I have given to move this day certain To prove how unfounded was that accusa- Resolutions upon the subject of Reform tion, he read an extract from a despatch in the system of our Representation, addressed by the British government in I rise now to state and explain the October, 1828, to the British Consul at specific grounds upon which I am preLisbon, to this effect:-"You will take pared to argue its propriety; and in so the earliest opportunity of informing the doing, I feel it necessary to request the government of Don Miguel, that British indulgence of honourable members, assubjects shall not be injured with impunity, suring them, that if in the course of my and that if compensation be not given to observations, I advert to a subject, further them immediately for the injuries which discussion on which I am sensible is unthey have sustained, orders will be given palatable to a greater part of this House, to the commanders of his Majesty's forces I shall do so as tenderly as I may be able, to exact that satisfaction by force, which and I shall urge it merely, as a reason to the Portuguese government refuse to give induce those who, like myself, may appreto your remonstrances." Could there be hend mischief from the introduction of a a stronger proof that the British govern- new party in this House, to embrace my ment did not intend the rights of British views and to acquiesce in the Resolutions subjects to be infringed upon with im- I intend to move. But honourable mempunity? He was happy to say, that the bers, I am persuaded, will also feel my effect of it had been most salutary; peculiar situation, and will admit, that for it had produced the liberation of having originally rested the expediency of every British subject who had been this measure upon special grounds, I cannot imprisoned by the government of Don with consistency now cast them wholly Miguel. He could not conclude, without aside, and proceed at once to the conobserving, that his noble friend, if he had sideration of it upon grounds new and intended to bring before parliament the general; and no sincere friend of Reform whole foreign policy of the country, ought will, I trust, be disposed to quarrel with either to have made his speech at an earlier me, or to refuse his support to my Resoperiod of the debate, or to have given the lutions, if, now avowing and ready to act House some previous notice of his inten- upon an enlarged and more liberal view of tion. He only entreated the House to the whole question, I still am consistent believe, that the suppositions made by his with myself, and press the consideration noble friend, in the course of his elaborate of a danger clearly not impossible. I do, speech, were not facts, and that the however, assure the House that, upon either transactions of government, when they view of the question. I will circumscribe came to be examined, would not be found my remarks to the utmost of my power, to deserve that vehemence of accusation and will not trespass long upon the attenin which his noble friend had so suddenly, tion they may indulge me with. and he must also add so unjustly, indulged that evening.

The motion was withdrawn. After which, Mr. Peel moved for "Copies or Extracts of communications concerning the relations between this Country and her most Faithful Majesty, the Queen of Portugal."--Agreed to.

And first, Sir, I would observe, that in courtesy to former advocates of the measure, I would willingly have left it in their hands, for it seems right and reasonable that those who have argued so powerfully against decayed boroughs and proprietary influence should go on with their own work; but as they seem to have declined the patriotic undertaking, the conviction I feel of its pressing necessity is too powerful for me to heed the charge of te

merity in thus presuming to succeed to | called for by the exigency of the times, nor their office. We shall now see who are by the existence of any real danger from the declaimers, and who the doers, in the the projects of the Roman Catholic body. work of parliamentary regeneration: we I speak of that body, Sir, as a large political shall now see who are true and steady to party in the State. I speak not of inditheir purposes and who would wish to viduals-of individuals of that body I give those purposes a long adjournment; would say, that there is no one in this it will now be seen who are strenuous in House more ready than I am to admit their wishes to purify parliament, and pro- their honour and integrity; but I am tect the great interests of the country. speaking of a large class and denominaThe question has been now for some tinie tion of individuals—a large and powerful laid upon the shelf; the bills and draughts political party of six or seven millions of of bills which have been prepared are now, men-a party acknowledging a common from long neglect, covered with dust, and head and centre of union, a spiritual soveburied in oblivion. Honourable gentle- reign, and that sovereign residing in a men, the former friends and advocates of foreign country. In such a state of things, the measure, may, if they please, bestow and under such an intermixture of foreign upon ministers the compliment of their and domestic relations, I shall continue silence, but I do not feel disposed to imi- to think that it is the part of prudence tate their courtesy. Every day's expe- to prevent the accumulation of Roman rience proves the necessity of some mea- Catholic power in this House. Those sure of this sort. The country expects, who may be disposed to ridicule these I may say demands, some statutory pro- opinions are liable to be told, that they vision for the safety of its interests-the are as ignorant of human nature and the interests of its agriculture, its trade, its workings of party spirit, as they are of manufactures, its finance, and especially the energies of the Romish church. As the interests of the Protestant community, soon as gentlemen of that persuasion against the influx and increase of the Ro- enter this House, they will be found man Catholic party. The whole internal to form a party. That party will be constitution of this House has been revo- considered by the Roman Catholics of lutionized. This new state of things re- Great Britain and Ireland as their real quires new enactments. An imperious representatives-as the special defenders. necessity has been superadded to the al- of their rights, the vindicators of their ready existing propriety of putting down wrongs, the promoters of their wishes the Boroughmonger and his trade; our and their hopes. This Roman Catholic rights and our liberties are in jeopardy, as party, like all other parties, both in and long as majorities in this House are to be out of this House, will be desirous of obtained by buying seats and selling ser- increasing its political strength; and vices and though I may fail on this occa- looking to the energy of that body, its sion in establishing upon the minds of a union of purpose, and extensive co-opemajority of this House a conviction of ration, I am convinced that they will this truth, I shall persevere in my efforts enter the borough-market with better to expose the corruption, and proclaim the chances and larger means of purchase danger of these practices. than any of their competitors. Seats in Sir, it may perhaps be thought, that this House will be bought up by the the magnitude of this question, and the agents of this wealthy, powerful, and ensplendid eloquence of its former advocates, terprising body, and thus to their county should have deterred me from rashly em- strength in Ireland will be added their barking upon the consideration of it. But burgage tenure strength in this country; though I may despair of doing it justice, and their whole number of representatives I feel its importance, or rather its neces- will present a well-ordered and compact sity, too strongly to leave the thing unat- phalanx, animated by one spirit, and imtempted through a consciousness of inabi-pelled to the same measures by the same lity; and in asserting and advocating my own peculiar views of it, I am fully prepared for the imputation that those views are erroneous-that my fears are groundless and that the measures and means of reform which I would propose are neither

motives and purposes. Let it not be thought, Sir, that I am disposed to contend, that any immediate danger is to be apprehended from the magnitude of their numbers in this House-though if the reports which circulate be true, it would

appear that the system which I am foretelling has already made a beginning. But I do contend, that we are not bound to wait till danger threatens. I do contend that it is the part of prudence to devise the means of prevention and defence; and I do insist, that those means are justifiable in the prospect of a possibility of danger.

But I will not dwell longer upon this topic. I feel I owe apologies to the House for having dilated at such length upon it, and I will now proceed to a far more important and interesting division of my subject, and I do so under feelings of less embarrassment and greater confidence than those I have experienced while en deavouring to enforce the view already presented. I cannot but entertain a reasonable hope, that a large portion of the members of this House will be disposed to agree with me upon the general principles, even though they should not be of opinion that I have made out any case for the necessity of reform by the special grounds I have taken. If, Sir, in the days of Locke, and still later in the days of Blackstone, this measure were deemed expedient (and I appeal to both these writers for support upon this point), subsequent events, and increased and increasing evils, make the measure now a measure of necessity and not of expediency. It is no longer to be tolerated that the best interests of the country, and the dearest rights of the subject, and, I will add, the most valuable privileges of this House, are to be compromised and endangered by borough contractors, and sellers of seats in parliament. But let hon. members listen to the words of Locke himself upon this question-"It being the interest as well as the intention of the people to have a fair and equal representation, whoever brings it nearest to that is an undoubted friend to, and establisher of, the government, and cannot miss the consent and approbation of the community:" and again he says "It is not a change from the present state, which, perhaps, corruption or decay has introduced, that makes an inroad upon the government, but the tendency of it to injure or oppress the people, and to set up one part, or party, with a distinction from, and an unequal subjection of, the rest. Whatsoever cannot but be acknowledged to be of advantage to the society and people in general, upon just and lasting measures, will

always, when done, justify itself; and whenever the people shall choose their representatives upon just and undeniably equal measures, suitable to the original frame of the government, sit cannot be doubted to be the will and act of the sou ciety, whoever permitted or caused them to do so.”

But, Sir, I will not now enter upon any wide survey of this question. I will not now touch upon the nature of suffrage, nor will I seek to determine the principle by which the right of voting should be regulated; neither will I enter further upon what has been called the philosophy of representation, nor attempt by statisti cal calculations to settle how many members should be returned by the landed, how many by the monied, how many by the trading interest. by the trading interest. Plans for the speedier returns of members upon new elections, and for the limitation of the duration of parliament, shall form no part of my present purpose. I will contine myself to matters much more simple in themselves, and consequently more easy for statement. My wish, Sir, is to witness the extinction of close and decayed boroughs, and to transfer their representätions (as it may be settled hereafter) to other places: to what places, towns, or counties, and in what measure and proportion to each, must be left to be conBut the extinesidered in committee. tion of these proprietary seats, this burgage tenure influence, is called for by the injuries and mischiefs it inflicts on the country. Can there be any thing more monstrous, Sir, than that seven electors, headed by the parish constable (I allude to Gatton) should send two honourable members to this House, and that two more should represent the interesting ruins and well-peopled sheep-folds of Sarum? What reason can we discover in the nature of things, or in the principles of representation, why some hon. members in this House should have neither houses nor inhabitants to represent-why others should only represent individuals-why there should be so many whose constituents do not exceed ten? Can there, Sir, be anything in more open defiance of common sense and political expediency, than that three hundred and fifty four voters should send fifty six members to parliament→→→ a ninth part of the whole House of Commons? What cause can be found either in the mineral or the agricultural wealth