CHAP. 1525. of compelling the people of Thurgau and others Circumstances also at this time led to the formation of an alliance between Berne and the city of Lausanne, which had afterwards important consequences.3 At the beginning of the year 1526, the pro A. D. 1526. 1526. posal of a discussion or disputation, to be held at Baden, was renewed. The proposition came from the cantons, assembled at Lucerne. At Disputation first only five cantons concurred in it; while of Baden. Berne objected to it altogether, but thought that if the meeting took place at all it should rather be at Basle, the seat of an university, and the residence of numerous learned men, than at Baden. The government of Basle, however, had no ambition of the honour of having such an assembly held in their city. Afterwards six, and ultimately twelve cantons acceded to the measure. Faber, Eckius, and Thomas Murner, a April. Franciscan professor of divinity at Lucerne, were zealous promoters of it; and so also certain Austrians and Suabians are said to have been, who flattered themselves with a triumphant re sult, and hoped that, if the reformation were overthrown in Switzerland, it would not long survive in Germany. The three persons above named were commissioned specially to solicit the bishops of Constance, Basle, Sion, and Lausanne to send their representatives and divines; and all those prelates promised to comply with the request. But in the very Acts published by the party which had proposed the meeting, and even in the invitations by which they summoned their friends to attend it, the views and principles by which they were actuated were made manifest. They disclaimed all idea of having the power, any more than the will, to make any religious changes-however they might become convinced that such changes were called for: as good and dutiful sons they were resolved, at all events, to adhere steadfastly to their holy mother, the church of Rome: but they desired to put down the doctrine of Luther and Zwingle, as pro CHAP. ductive of unnumbered evils, and to reclaim the people, who had been led astray.-The disputation was to commence on the sixteenth of May; and Zwingle and the other divines of Zuric were invited to attend it. But the council refused them leave to go, on grounds similar to those which they had assigned on the former occasion and Zwingle himself entertained the same views of the design formed against him as he had before done. The place, he said, was peculiarly suitable for the execution of such a design, from the numerous persons of all descriptions who resorted to the baths from which the town derived its name: and his enemies had before this time given orders for his being seized and carried off to Lucerne. Eckius, a prime mover of the present measure had said, that fire and sword were the proper weapons with which to contend against the heretics; and nothing was to be expected, nothing was even proposed which could be considered as the fair and legitimate object of a discussion: it would be "extreme folly in him, therefore, to expose himself to certain and imminent danger, without any prospect of promoting the honour and the diffusion of the word of God." He then again pointed out the only principles on which a discussion could be conducted, so as to be likely to lead to any good result. The written word of God must be the sole rule of judgment, and every man must feel himself at liberty to speak his sentiments freely. He also renewed his offer of attending a meeting at Berne, S. Gallen, or some other place, if Zuric were not approved.' 1 Zwingle published his letter, from which these sentiments have been extracted. It is found Op. ii. fo. 572-575; whence Gerdes has copied it, (ii. Doc. No. 16,) as throwing The cantons however persisted in their plan, and the council of Zuric adhered to its resolution, assigning among other reasons, "that the cantons had already entered into a treaty with the archduke of Austria, and the other princes of the Suabian league, to crush the reformed." The cantons sent to Zuric a safecoduct for Zwingle, and even offered hostages for his security. The former however was couched in such terms as served rather to aggravate than allay the distrust which was felt. It purported to protect him "so long as he conducted himself in a manner which did not violate the safeconduct granted him:" on which he himself remarks, "As soon as I should say any thing spirited against the pope, they would charge me with having violated the terms of my protection, and contend, as they did in the case of Huss, at Constance, that no safeconduct could protect a heretic." A. D. 1526. dom of Certain other events which occurred at this Martyrjuncture had any other tendency rather than to Huglin and allay suspicion. On the tenth of May, only six Spengler. days before the meeting was to take place, Faber, as official of the bishop of Constance, with two abbots, and some doctors of law, held a consistory at Mersburg, near Constance, for the examination of John Huglin, minister of Lindau; when, after having required him to renounce Lutheranism, which he refused to do, they condemned him to be degraded and delivered over to the secular arm to be burned: which cruel punishment the good man endured with Christian constancy, offering up prayers light on the state of things at the time, and justifying Zwingle from the charge of declining a fair hearing before the highest authority in Switzerland. CHAP. Proceedings at Baden. for his persecutors. Another reformed preacher also, Peter Spengler, was seized by order of the bishop of Constance, and drowned at Friburg in Brisgau.1 The meeting at Baden was held at the time appointed, and was attended by a large number of persons, most of them devoted Romanists. Ecolampadius, Haller, Weissenburg, Burgawer, Wetter, and several other reformed ministers from Basle, Schaffhausen, S. Gallen, Appenzel, and Mulhausen, also presented themselves; ready to take a part in the debate. Erasmus was solicited to give his assistance: but, as usual, he excused himself on the plea of delicate health. It may be thought that as Ecolampadius appeared, and was exposed to no violence, Zwingle might have done the same. It is impossible, of course, to determine what the event would have been, but we must remember, that none of the reformed ministers held the same situation that Zwingle did: there was no one whom the enemies of the reformation so much desired to see taken off: neither had any one of the places from which they came rendered itself so obnoxious as Zuric had done. A greater risk of injury to their cause would have been incurred, and with much less hope of advantage, by seizing Ecolampadius than by capturing Zwingle. Ecolampadius is said at first to have felt dissatisfaction at the absence of his friend, but afterwards to have written to him, "I thank God that you are not here. The turn which matters have taken makes me clearly perceive, that had you been here we should neither of us have escaped the stake." 2 1 Ru. i. 356-363. Gerd. ii. 306, 308. 2 Hess, 249. |