and also among factories working on munitions and at military stores depots.

We request that the most particular attention be paid to these latter. In the event of danger of war, with the aid of the latter and in contact with the transport workers, it is possible to paralyse all the military preparations of the bourgeoisie and make a start in turning an Imperialist war into a class war.

More than ever we should be on our guard. Attempts at intervention in China show that world Imperialism is still full of vigour, and is once more making endeavours to restore its shaken position and cause a new war, which as its final objective is to bring about the break-up of the Russian proletariat, and the suppression of the budding world revolution, and further would lead to the enslavement of the colonial peoples.

"Danger of War", "The Bourgeoisie seeks War and Capital Fresh Markets "-these are the slogans which you must familiarise the masses with, with which you must go to work into the mass of the proletariat. These slogans will open to you the doors of comprehension of the masses, will help you to capture them and march under the banner of Communism.

The military section of the British Communist Party, so far as we are aware, further suffers from a lack of specialists, the future directors of the British Red army. It is time you thought of forming such a group, which, together with the leaders, might be, in the event of an outbreak of active strife, the brain of the military organisation of the party. Go attentively through the lists of the military "cells", detailing from them the more energetic and capable men. Turn attention to the more talented military specialists who have for one reason or another left the service and hold Socialist views. Attract them

into the ranks of the Communist Party if they desire honestly to serve the proletariat and desire in the future to direct not the blind mechanical forces in the service of the bourgeoisie, but a national army. Form a directing operative head of the military section. Do not put this off to a future moment which may be pregnant with events and catch you unprepared.

Desiring you all success both in organisation and in your struggle. With Communist greetings,

ZINOVIEV, President of the Presidium of the Ikki.
MCMANUS, Member of the Presidium.

KUUSINEN, Secretary.

The following is the letter of protest signed and sent by Mr. J. D. Gregory, but actually drafted by Mr. MacDonald himself. The original draft was written presumably by Mr. Gregory, but MacDonald, stung to fury by the treacherous attacks upon him being made in current speeches by Zinovief, made it much stronger. In fact, he struck Gregory's draft to "smithereens" and dictated something entirely his own. These, therefore, are in reality the words of Labour's first Prime Minister and Foreign Secretary:

FOREIGN OFFICE, October 24, 1924.

SIR-I have the honour to invite your attention to the enclosed copy of a letter which has been received by the Central Committee of the British Communist Party from the Presidium of the Executive Committee of the Communist International, over the signature of M. Zinoviev, its president, dated September 15.

(1) The letter contains instructions to British subjects to work for the violent overthrow of existing institutions in this country, and for the subversion of His Majesty's armed forces as a means to that end.

(2) It is my duty to inform you that His Majesty's Government cannot allow this propaganda, and must regard it as a direct interference from outside in British domestic affairs.

(3) No one who understands the constitution and the relationships of the Communist International will doubt its intimate connection and contact with the Soviet Government. No Government will ever tolerate an arrangement with a foreign Government by which the latter is in formal diplomatic relations of a correct kind with it, whilst at the same time a propagandist body organically connected with that foreign Government encourages and even orders subjects of the former to plot and plan revolutions for its overthrow. Such conduct is not only a grave departure from the rules of international comity, but a violation of specific and solemn undertakings repeatedly given to His Majesty's Government.

(4) So recently as June 4 of last year the Soviet Government made the following solemn agreement with H.M. Government :

The Soviet Government undertakes not to support with funds or in any other form persons or bodies or agencies or institutions whose aim is to spread discontent or to foment rebellion in any part of the British Empire .... and to impress upon its officers and officials the full and continuous observance of these conditions.

S

(5) Moreover, in the treaty which His Majesty's Government recently concluded with your Government still further provision was made for the faithful execution of good and friendly relations between the two countries.

His Majesty's Government mean that these undertakings shall be carried out, both in the letter and in the spirit, and it cannot accept the contention that whilst the Soviet Government undertakes obligations a political body, as powerful as itself, is to be allowed to conduct a propaganda and support it with money which is in direct violation of the official agreement.

The Soviet Government either has or has not the power to make such agreements. If it has the power, it is its duty to carry them out and see that the other parties are not deceived. If it has not this power, and if responsibilities which belong to the State in other countries are in Russia in the keeping of private and irresponsible bodies, the Soviet Government ought not to make agreements which it knows it cannot carry out.

(6) I should be obliged if you would be good enough to let me have the observations of your Government on this subject without delay.

I have the honour to be, with high considerations, Sir, your obedient servant (in the absence of the Secretary of State),

(Signed) J. D. GREGORY.

No satisfactory reply was ever received in answer to this protest. Though signed by Mr. Gregory, it was actually written by Mr. MacDonald, his only complaint being that it was despatched without first being sent to him for revision. It was then made public suddenly because it was found that the original Zinovief letter

Mr.

had somehow got into the hands of the Press. MacDonald, I believe, did not sanction the publication, and there lies his only grievance in the matter. He believes that publication of the documents was effected not as a matter affecting the public good, but in order to influence the electorate in favour of Conservatism.

An automatic denial of authenticity of the letter was made by M. Rakovsky, the Chargé d'Affaires. An impudent demand for the punishment of our Foreign Office officials was made by Moscow. Attempts were made on the part of the Bolsheviks to find out who had actually betrayed them, but the action of the British Government was vigorous. Mr. Gregory's Note was confirmed, and at the same time notification of the abandonment of the Anglo-Bolshevik treaty was made public.

Seemingly the people who were most upset by what had happened were not the Bolsheviks themselves, who immediately transferred their centre of foreign interest to Paris, but the sympathisers with the Bolsheviks in our midst. They have been routed in the fields of public opinion.