of weaker brethren. It does not wish more members so much as stauncher ones. It regards itself as an organism, a vital cell rather than a growth. It is for the time being proud of its reduction of numbers of membership. Democracy increases in strength through participation of numbers; but dictatorship is more capable when the numbers are less.

III

THE EXTERNAL PROGRAM

A CHILLING wind has blighted Trotsky's "Spring". He called it Spring-Bolshevism's new leafingtime in Europe. He looked forward to a comfortable shady existence under the trees, but that umbrage has been denied him. Had MacDonald swept Britain at the elections it is possible that we should have seen an amazing growth of what can only be called bourgeois Communism, a prodigal blossoming of the wild flowers of the New Economic Policy, and fresh posies for the "friends of Russia".

There would have been peace of a kind, a somewhat shameful kind, for which, however, Europe in general would have been thankful, peace marred only by filibusters of the incorrigible but insignificant extremists. Trotsky said on the eve of his downfall (Nov. 7, 1924): “ When we reckoned on a speedy victory of the revolution in

Europe we overlooked a fundamental factor, the virtual non-existence of the Communist Party outside our borders". To which Zinovief replied: "I know that some of our comrades are dreaming of a Bonaparte. I know also that we have entered upon the phase of the most severe struggle on the part of the Communist Party for its existence. But I know also that we are strong, and that the iron hand of the workman-peasant dictatorship will strangle those who attempt to sell us to the bourgeoisie."

Zinovief proves for the time being to be right. The cause has triumphed over the opportunity, Communism over business, the world-program over the plan for the mere rehabilitation of Russia. Henceforth the external program of Bolshevism, which might conceivably have become negligible, is now the real issue for Russia and Europe. It is an absurd program, for all steps taken to realise it lead eventually to disaster for the Communist Party itself. It is briefly-the Bolshevisation of the world.

The British Empire is to be dissolved; revolution is to be achieved in every State in the world ; the ill-will of Germany towards the Succession States and France is to be exploited to the limit ; the discontent of the subject races of the East is

to be focussed to Moscow-" the Mecca and Medina of all enslaved peoples"; the "Yellow peril" is to be organised and made a reality. Asia shall move against Europe in the moment of Europe's disorganisation and revolutionary madness.

Here we have not so much the creation of a super-State in view as the world-wide revenge of class upon class and race upon race.

This may seem incredible to those who believe, like Purcell, Kenworthy, and the rest, that Bolsheviks are merely working to put baths in working-men's homes. Baths, yes, but baths of blood. Hate let loose on such a scale as the Communists envisage means wave behind wave of hate the first downs the aristocrats, the second the capitalists, the third the shopkeepers, the fourth the clerks and the teachers and doctors, the fifth the working-man. What are our working-men but little bourgeois ? But it is not simply their jobs that they will lose, but their happiness. The whole of the working-class both in England and America is superior to the working-classes in general in Europe. That class is over, not under, and it is marked red for ruin.

All this seems a madman's dream. It is not even a bogy with which we can be terrified. We

believe that the lusts of ages past cannot be unlocked. We do not believe that this dreadful chimera is realisable.

Nevertheless a very powerful organisation is moving towards the realisation of that program. Each step upon it means battle. There can be no quiet progress-for the program is calamitous, and not least calamitous, I believe, for the leaders at Moscow who have stopped the compromisers and have cleared a space in Europe for their action.