pain, and I am not without comfort." To bis son he expressed his satisfaction, F in having been enabled, while well, to choose the good part, and walk with God; adding to this effect, "How miserable should I have been now without Christ, and having the hope of salvation to seek, under this weight of disease." Reader, pause, and reflect on this last sentence. But the time drew on that Christopher should die. We fondly hoped there was a prospect of recovery, but he relapsed, and then hope expired. Towards the last, his son enquired how he felt his mind. His reply was, "Peace-peace." He died April 21st, 1824. "Mark tho perfect man, and behold the upright, for the end of that man is peace." According to his desire, à funeral discourse was preached at Accrington, from Genesis 1. 24, "I die, and God will surely visit you." A text remark Review. A Sermon on Slavery, preached at Kettering, by John Keen Hall, M. A. p. 58, Hamilton, &c. It is with unfeigned pleasure we observe that the debt of discussion yet due to the nature of Slavery seems about to be paid. During many cen turies of our history that debt was in a state of constant accumulation: as on this subject entire, inattention prevailed. When at length the enormities of the slave trade had compelled attention, the writings of those persons who commenced, or who conducted to a triumphant issue, their attack on that horrid system, diffused light over this so much neglected part of morals, and gave it some place among the objects of enquiry and thought. The discussions of that period, however, were not sufficiently general, as the writers against the slave trade almost wholly confined their attention to that subject. Directing their exertions to a specific practical object, they brought forward the principles which they desired to have recognized, in a case deeply interesting to humanity, unaccompanied, however, by intimations in what extent these principles were applicable. Designing to induce their countrymen to enter on the road of improvement, they thought their object most likely to be accomplished, if they avoided any present explanation of the length of the journey, even if their own hopes went all the length of what in this case undoubtedly was the ultimate and proper destination. It might not be difficult to adduce instances in which this cautious policy was carried to excess, but that the present time is one, which instead of requiring the invidious notice of a particular failing in these distinguished philanthropists, rather calls on us to emulate their virtues-their warmth of benevolence, their intrepidity in advocating the cause of the oppressedtheir preference of public spirit above private interest-their unwearied industry and resolute perseverance in a good cause. Upon very few of our race, in an equal degree to what appears in the slave trade abolitionists, has the privilege been bestowed of becoming benefactors to the world. The example they have set will exert an influence beyond their own time, and be a source of animation and encouragement, to the philanthropists of future, and, probably, most distant ages. Upon the decisive legislations against the slave trade, there ensued a great withdrawment of attention from the case of the enslaved part of our species, or at any rate, discussions became far too occasional, too much limited in extent and variety of adaptation to meet the public exigencies, and the tone of public feeling became proportionally deteriorated. So evidently was this the case, that, when again thoughts were entertained of advancing in the career of benevolence, and imitating the noble cxamples already set, the public mind was not at once in a state to embrace the enterprise. Even among the virtuous parts of the community some were positively averse,-many were undecided. That those who were labouring under an almost epedemic malady, as having their principles corrupted by the doctrine of a vicious expediency in morals, should, by well contrived alarms, have been deterred from a prompt embracing of the proposal, admits not of wonder, but even others of juster general views partook of the apathy and were slow to bestir themselves. It is now become evident, that a great improvement in the state of public feeling has taken place, an improvement from which the happiest effects may be expected, provided the labourers in the cause relax not in their efforts. To add fuel to the holy flame which is beginning to kindle, to invigorate the movements of benevolence, which are visibly taking place, to assist the defenders of the rights of justice, when a question involving those rights in an almost unparalleled extent, is, though hopefully, yet critically situated, we scruple not to affirm, one of the most important directions in which talent can be exerted. The excellent discourse we have at present to recommend to our readers, examines the question of the legality of slavery on scriptural ground. After giving a brief view of the contents of the discourse, we shall, also, make some remarks which have been suggested by the present state of the general question. Should we, in doing this, extend the present article beyond our usual length, we shall rely for our excuse, on the favorable disposition with which our readers may be considered to regard our anxiety, not to appear indifferent in this momentous and interesting cause. The three propositions of the discourse are, "that slavery admits of no scriptural defence,—that it is in its nature and tendency repugnant to Christianity,-and that, it is therefore, our duty zealously to promote every judicious measure which, may lead to its early and complete abolition." Excluding from the proposition, the slavery which has been incurred by crime; the author examines the topics on which arguments have been attempted to be founded in favour of slavery which are the antiquity of slavery as subsisting in the families of the Hebrew Patriarchs,-the sanction of the Mosaic law,-and the conduct in relation to this subject of the inspired founders of the Christian Religion. Fully allowing, the existence of a kind of slavery in Patriarchal ages, Mr. Hall shews its utter dissimilarity to that of modern times, and its consequent utter unfitness as any sanction to recent practice, were it allowed the anthority of an intended precedent. This, however, he justly refuses to grant, in the following manner. "But were it necessary to admit that the servants of these distinguished ancients were forcibly detained in ignoble bondage, it would become us to censure these acts of tyranny, and not to adduce them as an example; and to express our deep regret that the splendour of their excellence should be clouded by such gross faith and virtue, but yet, they were far defects. They were exalted indeed by from perfection. The eternal principles of justice are a surer guide than the proceedings of the most eminent saints, and were it a fact, that Abraham himself was a dealer in men, I should regard it, not as a justification of the odious traffic, but as an indelible blot upon his otherwise illustrious name." The topic of the toleration of slavery by the Jewish law, is next treated. In respect of which, after distinguishing the different kinds of slavery, and shewing, that any state to which a Jew was liable could scarcely allow the name: he admits, that from other nations, the Israelites were allowed to have bond-men, and bond-maids. Before, however, any conclusion could hence be derived, the intention of the Divine Legislator is to be remembered, who, accommodating his dispensations to the successive states of the world, by no means intended the Jewish code to be final. Before it was fitted for such a purpose, important changes were necessary. Against this statement of our author, it would be vain to attempt opposition. "Had the law of Moses been as per fect in its nature as it was exalted in its origin, it would have superseded all subsequent legislation, and instead of being merely local and temporary, would have demanded the implicit regard of every age, and of every nation. It would have delineated every crime, and have affixed to each the just and immutable penalty; and the state which, under the pretence of improving, should presume to change its regulations, would be guilty of rebellion against God." A difference here, is also pointed out, between mere connivance and injunction, which is justly intitled to regard. The still more serious allegation that Christianity itself, is not inimical to slavery, yet remained to be examined. In this part the discussion is more extended, and we have a luminous and forcible exhibition of important principles. But as our author has remarked, that in order to rescue the scriptures from a dishonourable imputation, and to obviate a difficulty, which would impede philanthropic exertion, we must consider the nature of Christianity-the specific design of its anthor-and the peculiar duties, which devolved upon its primitive teachers it will be seen that we can do little more than thus to indicate those topics. We cannot deny ourselves the pleasure of an extract on the design of the Christian Revelation. "There are many, who do not sufficiently recollect the specific design of the Christian revelation, and who appear to imagine, that it expressly denounces every existing wrong. Christianity will, indeed, where it prevails, extend a regulating influence over all the departments and institutions of society; not by a direct interference, but by enlightening the human mind, and improving the heart. The scriptures are only one, not every source of knowledge; and permitting reflection and reason to accumulate their stores from every quarter, and to act with all their native vigour in destroying the evils, and augmenting the enjoy ments of our temporal condition; they render to these powers an invaluable service, by extending the sphere of their viertions, and by conveying them into sion, by widening the range of their exthose regions of truth, which unassisted, they could not possibly explore." The conduct of the Apostles and primitive teachers in abstaining from the notice of these topics, is amply explained, and their silence shewn to afford no ground for inferring their favourable regard to the principle of slavery in any of its applications. In conclusion of this part it is stated, "The Apostles acted as a Missionary ought now to act, if situated under a despotic government, or labouring amidst the chequered population of the Western Islands. There are many truths, which, in such circumstances, it would be not merely imprudent, but sinful, to preach. Were he to assert, as is true, that the negro has a right to his freedom, his doctrine would be replete with evils. The misguided man, if allowed to continue his dangerous ministrations, would live amidst the caresses of the slaves, and the execrations of their masters; the former, he would make hypocritical and worthless Christians, the latter, determined and bitter foes both to himself and the gospel." on Having, thus far acted on the defensive, Mr. H. becomes in turn the assailant-and with great force and conviction illustrates Christianity as inimical to slavery, because in its nature a violation of justice, account of its inhumanity, and as exerting a tendency altogether contrary to the influence of the gospel. We shall not do the injustice of attempting to epitomise the glowing sentiments of these interesting pages. In enforcing the consequent duties, we have this appeal: "Let us, then, individually perform our duty. Meditate on Slavery; contrast it with your own freedom, until the condemning sentence which your judgment pronounces, is confirmed and enforced by every passion. Let this subject blend itself with your habitual thoughts and feelings; let it exercise your pity, your sympathy, your benevolence, your hatred. Awaken similar emotions in all your associates. Converse on it with your friends in the language of deserved exe. cration; seize every opportunity, summon every power, and impress upon all around you a just, a deep sense of its wickedness. Act under the full conviction, that, to destroy this revolting sys tem, is a part of the business of life. Discourse on it, ye parents, among your children; and while they sport around you in the joyful consciousness of freedom, oh, think of those whose offspring are born to the chain! Here is a theme, on which the speaker ought to expatiate, the writer to employ his pen, the artist his pencil, which demands the noblest efforts of the indignant poet, and the holy eloquence of the messengers of mercy. It is time for the ministers of truth to sound an universal alarm, and in aid of this consecrated cause to wield, with all their vigour, those sacred weapons, which, though they are not carnal, are mighty through God." Brief and imperfect as is this account of the discourse, it will, we trust, be sufficient to induce our readers to peruse it for themselves, which is the only end we have in view, nor can they in that case, fail of deriving pleasure and profit from a composition certainly of rare merit, and in the production of which abilities of no ordinary occurrence were required. It would be gratifying to us, were we at liberty to dilate on the pleasure we have received, and to attempt to investigate its sources in the qualities of the performance. We cannot, how ever, content ourselves, with saying. less than that the discourse in regard to its method is characterized by perspicuity to its argument by conviction. In the style combined with much animation and force, there where prevails natural ease and simplicity, which are always the least equivocal signs of just taste in composition; nor is the degree of those qualities much inferior to that in which they appear in the established classics of the language. every pro For the purpose of doing justice to the interest of the discourse, it is per to advert to a difficulty in the subject, which, controversially viewed, has a difficulty, although, one which seems paradoxical in the mention, namely, its ease. When a writer finds it exceedingly easy to satisfy his argument, it is usually proportionably difficult to satisfy his reader's attention, which, wanting the stimulus of curi osity, is wont to decline. Spumantemque dari pecora inter inertia votis, Optat aprum, aut fulvum decendere monte leonem. is dreadful; but, they are not those of There are regions in which slavery argument, especially scriptural argnment. Nothing in this latter view can well be imagined more impotent; as a source of suffering, nothing more dreadful. It presents little to exercise the intellect, but much to oppress the heart. As a practical system, the pirate, which has lately infested the West Indian Seas, is, in miniature, a faint representation of its barbarity, and the consternation it diffuses; in an argumentative view, it is but the same pirate in distress, when every hand on board vainly labouring to avert an inevitable catastrophe, is an object of commiseration rather than fear. Or like a marine monster of the same coasts, which, however, dreadful in its like his coadjutors, in the cause of been represented hideous, which is not truly so, it consists not in drawing a picture of a gigantic monster, but in thus depicting what nature has formed small, and with well proportioned members. A discourse being the production of a human mind, ought to represent human feelings in relation to the subject on which it is employed. That it is not human nature, which would be evinced, by writing without emotion on slavery, we venture to affirm. Whether it be above or below our readers, must for themselves determine. In the perusal of this piece, we have been forcibly reminded of a species of merit, for which our epic bard has been extolled. Milton is judged to have been peculiarly successful in depicting the impiety of the arch-fiend's character, without having, however, polluted his pages with dangerous blas phemies. The present subject is not so contrary in nature, as to dissallow comparison, and Mr. Hall has abstained from shocking us with the details, while his exhibition of the principles of slavery, will not fail to leave an impression of its nature, such as no details could accomplish. It was our intention to add in this article, some remarks of a more general nature on the great question of emancipation, but we have little remaining space, and have already taken much liberty with our reader's attention. We may, however, be permitted to ex press the great satisfaction we feel at the evident proofs that the cause of the slaves is making progress. Founded as slavery is upon a violation of eternal justice, its ultimate overthrow is what no good man can doubt: but the signs that the event is at hand, may yet be regarded with delight. The public mind, with respect to this subject, has too long been in a state of comparative stagnation. At present, feeling begins to flow, and ere long the rapid torrent will have evinced the weakness of all that is opposed to it. Among the signs of this improved state of feeling, we observe, with peculiar pleasure, that the ministers of religion are taking up the cause. With party politics the minister of Christ would desecrate the pulpit, where he to concern himself; but as justice and truth are ever principles which he has to inculeate, so he will inculcate them in reference to the actual state of society, without partiality or fear. In the former instance, when the slave-trade controversy was before the public, the great aid furnished by ministers of the gospel, who promptly lent their assistance, has been distinctly noticed by the historian of that event. Another pleasing fact is, that a resolution has extensively been formed, consuming only the products of free labour. The state of mind such a resolution evinces, cannot but be the object of the warmest approbation. The practice has, moreover, the recommendation of being on the safe side; and should no intimation of its inexpediency be made by those whose accurate acquaintance with the subject entitles their opinion to deference, exertions to promote the practice in his several circle will have become an imperative duty on each. While, however, the state of things at present is most encouraging, as to the issue of this controversy, the need of active exertion is not diminished. In the presumptions, that this horrible violation of humanity and justice is about to be brought to a close, we may rationally rejoice; the supposition that it has already virtually ceased,→→ that if now left alone, it will decline of its own accord, would be a fatal mistake. Great exertions are made to produce in the public mind a delusion of this nature, and from a motive which it is not difficult to understand. What has already been done, is represented as sufficient, and that without further le gislation the practice will be given up. A great improvement in the minds of the colonists is pretended, and that they have adopted those more liberal views which will cause them, of their own ac cord, to abandon an ignominious and cruel system. Representations of this nature can mislead none but such as wish to be misled on this subject. So contrary is it to truth that any favour able change is evinced in the conduct of the colonists, that it is impossible to imagine what additional steps they could take to shew their settled deter mination to oppose the slightest innovation on their system. An improve→ ment in their views, as they are situated, would soon become apparent. Benc |