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since their vast extent of territory, its various foils and productions, will secure to them all their wants. Dr. Price is not aware of a powerful and jealous neighbour, on the southern part of the continent; he does not reflect on the temptations to an illicit trade ; on the habits of some of the inhabitants of North America in this way, and their probable consequences.

It is a liberal and just rnaxim, that reason, properly regulated, will not mislead; and, on this foundation, Dr. Price allows the free liberty of difcuffion. But this is a dangerous topic. Reason is feldom well regulated; we know that improper propensities will often influence our opinions, and human wit is so subtle, that it can easily give the imposing appear. ance of demonstration to the most dangerous tenets. We will allow, that the delusive mask may be drawn afide by a judicious reasoner; but the conteft is very unequal between reason and passion, between the cool philosopher and the eager libertine. At the same time, we are equally averse with Dr. Price, to any controuling power; and can only determine, that this liberty of discussion, though tacitly allowed, hould not be encouraged : it should not be restrained by a civil magistrate ; but those should not be urged to an examination who are un able properly to decide.

The will of Mr. Ricard was lately published in France, and conveyed by Dr. Franklin to Dr. Price, who justly observes, that' the turn of humour in it undoubtedly renders it a composition not perfectly suitable to the other parts of this

pamphlet.'--His grandfather gave him twenty-four livres, and, at the death of the grandson, it amounted to five hundred. This fum is directed to be divided into five parts. The firft, with the accumulated compound intereft, to be applied at the end of one century ; the second at the end of two; and the last at the end of five hundred years. The application is particularly directed to useful and benevolent purposes. Among the destinations of the last sum, the teftator has ordered the public debts of France and England to be paid. There is one devise that, for its benevolence and humanity, we must transcribe.

• I intreat the managers of these public work-houses to give the greatest encouragement to such trades as can be performed by women This sex, fo dear to all sensible minds, has been neglected or oppressed by all our institutions.Seductions of all kinds seem to conspire against their virtue.-Neceffity frecipitates them involuntarily into an abyss of infamy and milery,

-The low price which is set upon the labour of women is out of all proportion to the inferiority of their bodily itrength. Let the public work-houses set the example of paying them


• There

• There are in France many houses of corre&ion where the misconduct of women is severely punished, but where in reality it is only suspended, mere confinement having no tendency to eradicate vice. Why should there not be one establishment where a young woman, conquered by temptation, and on the brink of despair, might present herself, and say" Vice offers me gold : I only ak for labour and bread. In compassion to my remorse asfiit and strengthen me. Open an asylum for me where I may weep without being feen, expiate those faults which pursue and overwhelm me, and recover a thadow of peace.”

"-Such an institution exists no where-l appoint, therefore, a thousand millions towards establishing one.

• The snares which are laid by vice for women without fortunes, would make fewer victims if more assistance was given them. We have an infinity of establishments for persons in the higher ranks of life which do honour to the generosity of our forefathers. Why have we none for this purpose ?- defire, therefore, that two thousand millions be employed in establishing in the kingdom a hundred hospitals, which shall be called Hospitals of Angels. There shall be admitted into each a hun. dred females of the age of seven or eight years, and of the moft engaging forms. They shall receive the most perfect education in regard to morals, useful knowledge, and agreeable accomplishments. At the age of eighteen they may quit the hospital in order to be married ; at which period they fhall each be paid a portion of 47,000 livres. I mention this n:oderate sum because it is my with that they be neither reproached for want of fortune, nor espoused from interest. An annual income of 2000 livres shall be given also to their parents. cept once in the year at a solemn and splendid proceffion, they fhail rarely appear in public, but shall be constantly employed in their asylum in learning all that can render them one day excellent wives and mothers.

• In order to fit them, in particular, for domestic economy, I desire that after they have been caught the most accurate ideas of expences of all kinds, questions be proposed to them from time to time, to which they shall be obliged to give answers by 'word of mouth, and also in writing ;. as for example"If you had such or such an income, under such or such circumAtances, how much would you appropriate to your table, your house-rent, your maintenance, and the education of dren? How many servants would you keep? How much would you reserve for fickness and unforeseen expences ? How much would you confecrate to the relief of the unfortunate and the public good ? - If your income depended either entirely or in part upon a transient advantage or a place which was not assured to you, how much would you expend annually? What sum would you reserve for forming a capital?" &c. &c. Prizes publicly given to the best answers to queitions of this kind would constitute, in my opinion, an exercise equally engaging and more useful


* * * * Ex

your chil.


than the little comedies and novels with which young persons in the higher stations are generally entertained.'

The whole will is extremely curious and entertaining. Need we add, that the author was a teacher of arithmetic ? He endeavours to secure the performance of the different devises ; but the whole is rather a lecture on the great power of com. pound intereft, than a plan likely to be executed.

Considérations sur l'Ordre de Cincinnatus, ou Imitation d'un Pamphlet Anglo-Américain. Par le compte De Mirabeau. 8vo.

55. in Boards. Johnson. Authors have seized with eagerness on the independence of

America, as the scene in which every visionary Icheme, either of finance or government, may be realited. In this new world, the world which the French have aided the Americans to acquire, they have offered their assiitance to govern; in this moment of liberty, their enthusiasm was eager to display itself; for it was supposed that enthusiasm, in favour of American liberty at least, might be allowed ; but congress has looked on them with a cool suspicion, and the ardor of their efforts is found to be displeasing to their own rulers. The fpark of liberty imported from America might be raised into an alarming conflagration at home. The present work, which probably on this account was published here, contains several pieces relative to this new kingdom, or rather this imperfect union of different states. The principal one relates to the new Order of Cincinnatus, which, under the appearance of a patriotic union of the defenders of their country, in cur author's opinion, conceals designs hostile to its liberty. The number which composes this body cannot be lets than ten thousand, as they have adopted the French officers who have ferved in America; and, since its first inftitution, have admitted honorary members. The count supposes, that this numerous fociety will join in every design; and, as the honours are hereditary, the slightest misfortune resulting from the union will be a rifing nobility, a body of patricians, diftin. guished by the deserts of their ancestors, if not by their own. Perhaps there were really few more noble acts than Washington's resignation of his command : if it was inferior to that of Sylla, it was because he had borne his faculties more meekly,' and had less to fear from the mortifications of disappointed ambition, or the revenge of a mutilated party. The fituations were in many respects similar ; yet the fame man is now president of this suspected society. The count de Mirabeau's ado dress to him on this subject is animated and strong. The



day on which it was determined to admit honorary members, Washington, fo great when he returned to the itation of a simple individual,- Washington, the first citizen and benefactor of a people whom he had freed from slavery, wilhed to diftinguish himself from that people ! Why did he not see, that his name was beyond all diftinction ? Hero of the revolution which broke the chains of half the world, why did he not depise the dangerous, the guilty, the vulgar, honour of being the hero of a party ?

In this language, the count examines the several rules which connect this famous society, or rather, if our author is not mistaken, this infamous confederacy; and it must be acknowleged that, in many parts of them, there are suspicious para sages, either accidentally or designedly interspersed. But, though we allow the full force of the count's suspicions, the guilt may be in some measure evaded.—A successful revolution is no longer a rebellion, as an established heresy becomes a reformation; so that we must use the popular language on this subject, though the event has not in reality changed our former opinions.

Those who are most conversant with the politics of the American continent perceive that, inftead of one empire, these new states are divided, jealous of each other, and each assuming the supreme power, with little regard to the authority of that body, which the urgency of impending destruction conftituted, and which was supported during the common calamities. Another body, with some inherent power of its own, became therefore neceffary, to connect the disjointed limbs, and to make a respectable whole of several insignificant parts. This probably would have been one effect of the new order ; and it would have been a falutary one : that it was anticipated by several of the states, seems probable, from their oppofition to its establishment. In its present situation, America may be a commercial nation; but it will be ever at the

mercy an intriguing or warlike prince. It can never be great, powe erful, or even secure, except it be more perfectly united.

The next tract in this volume is the Letter of Monf. Turgot to Dr. Price. It contains, in our opinion, fome trilling (peculations on what America may be, and the steps which the ought to pursue ; but little of consequence enough to induce us to analyse, or make any extracts from it.

Dr. Price's pamphlet, on the Revolution of America, and the Means of rendering it useful to the World, is next tranflated, with notes, by count de Mirabeau. The pamphlet itself we have already reviewed ; and the observations contain about eighty pages. The first part of these is a commentary,



the latter consists of notes on detached passages. The chief objects of the commentary are the degree of power to be allowed to congress, and the commerce of this new empire. On the necessary power, the count differs from our countryman ; but we apprehend America has already decided the question, by leaving its national assembly very little, and that little difputed. 'he destructive effects of commerce have exercised the powers of every superficial declaimer; and our author, who deserves a superior title, is content to mix with the servile herd. • Let the merchant, who builds his ware-houses, constructs vessels, and speculates in different attempts, prefer, if he pleases the gloomy calculations of the counting-house, to the sweet view of nature, the interesting riches of the country.--Do not disturb him: let his property be as facred as that of others, let his liberty be inviolable under the protection of the laws. But he is an inhabitant, not a citizen of your ema pire. He has preferred the world; when he chuses it he shall have a country. He will, at fome period, convert his money into land ; and this change, favourable to your spirit and your manners, will be the ultimate ambition of all your inhabitants. Consequently, without violence, without restraint, without laws, prohibitions, or injustice, you will place in the highest estimation, this innocent and fraiernal art of agriculture, which increases population, nourishes the spirit of freedom, fupplies defenders to their country, advice to its assemblies, arbitrators of difference, friends of virtue, and, fince riches muft be regarded, real riches which may increase without danger, ard whose contagion is by no means formidable.'- What a pleasing bat delusive image, and how inconsistent with the views of the author's governors, who have kindled the fames of war in every quarter of the world, merely to extend its commerce! Both extremes may be equally fatal ; but language as plausible and animated may be employed in the recommendation of commerce, properly regulated, which connects the most diftant quarters of the globe, and forms one harmonious family of nations, separated by unfathomable seas, and track, lefs deserts.

The detached notes are on air balloons, for no work now can appear without some mention of these exhibitions ; on the representation of Great Britain in parliament; and on the kind of commerce best adapted for the Americans. The two laft subjects are not easily affected, either by the speculations of Dr. Price, his commentatar, or reviewer. On the first, we may perhaps be indulged with a few resections, since the count communicates to us the observations of a very respectable chemift and philosopher, the duc de Chaulnes.


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