as th

sufficiently direct us into truth, an guard us against error, unless it is set forth by so many divines in thirty-nine articles, or thirtythree chapters, sounds something like a contradiction, Much need have men to be strong in faith, that are thus required to believe without evidence. Rome hath gone far in the practice of absurdities, but she never required any other foundation but implicit faith to build them upon. What is not manifestly evident from the word of God to every man that is required to give his assent, can never be an article of his faith: he may be so complaisant as to believe church doth in his words and public confession, but is an infidel at heart notwithstanding. But why should men be led into temptation thus to prevaricate before God? Were there open access to church offices and preferments, to such as professed to believe the Scriptures, and were found qualified, some might still be infidels, but the church would have no hand in making them so; and there is the greatest reason to believe, that infidelity could never be built upon the doc trine of the Prophets and Apostles, where "Jesus Christ is the chief corner-stone." The purity of the sacred oracles, when immediately presented to the conscience, is more likely to prevent prevarication, than these compositions, where there is some reason to doubt there may be some mistake.

So long as the pure oracles of God were the only creed of the church, we find her members more simple and sincere than ever they have been since: but as soon as the doctrine of Revelation began to be clothed in a human dress, it did not strike the mind with such reverence and godly fear; afterwards men made more free with sin, and began to find church authority for committing it, till at last they could produce indulgences for almost any kind of wickedness. What influence could articles of religion framed by such men have, who, when they were forming canons for the church, were forming also licences for all kinds of immorality? Even in England, it is not difficult to find the same authority that authorized the Book of Canons authorizing the Book of Sports, whereby a licence was given for any who pleased to profane the Lord's Day, to the dishonour of all religion whatsoever. Could any person who had the least consideration reconcile two things absolutely contrary to each other, viz. articles of religion, and a licence to break them in their constant practice?

It would have been next to a miracle, if infidelity had not gained ground, when it received such strength and support from the leaders in religion. Out of the same mouths could not consistently come both blessing and cursing; laws for religion, and a licence for impiety. Can any people be accounted of any other character but that of Issachar in the text, who suffer such religious slavery and absurdity to be imposed upon them? Is the word of God imperfect, that it cannot direct men in all matters of religion, without it be clothed with human inventions, and the authority of the church? He is a Christian that submits to the

yoke

yoke of Christ, but a slave that takes on any other. Shall men pretend to impose any other burdens than the easy and light burden Christ hath required? Let us be Christians, and not slaves not couch down, like Issachar, between two burdens, but stand fast in that liberty wherewith Christ hath made us free, and not suffer ourselves to be entangled in any yoke of bondage.

To come to a conclusion:-Let it be observed, whenever men are required to believe any thing upon human authority in matters of religion, or to worship God in any other manner than they are plainly required in Scripture, it is a burden of religious slavery, and not the yoke of Christ. They do not deserve the character of rational creatures, to say nothing of the Christian character, who tamely give up their reason, and their Bible, to the hands of religious oppressors. Well do they deserve to bear a burden of religious slavery, who do so tamely couch down and take it on, We shall soon have heavy enough burdens imposed upon us, if we so submissively couch down to them; if men but enjoy the exercise of common sense, they will never meanly give up their right of private judgment to the will of oppressors. Ye who, like Issachar, for the love of ease, or the love of pleasure, or for the gratification of some sordid passion, submit to burdens as unnatural as they are unreasonable, be not offended if your character be drawn after the manner of that of his. Asses, and worse than asses, surely you are, who either give up the cause of your country, or the rights of your own consciences, to civil or religious dominators. The character of Napthali, how different from that of his brother?"Napthali is a hind let loose," an assertor of liberty. "Issachar is a strong ass, couching down between two burdens.' God give all men the knowledge of their privileges, and a spirit of true zeal to maintain them. Amen.

SERMON II.

GEN. xlix. 14.

Issachar is a strong ass, couching down between two burdens. WELL may they press him down, and sit hard upon his shoul

ders, till he learn his own interest, and throw them off. I wish, Issachar, thy children had all died in the first generation; but thou hast yet a numerous offspring in the world: many are the beasts of burden, even in Christian nations. Thy sons, Issachar, are in the church and in the state: from the minions of prime ministers down to the lowest journeyman of the bishops and clergy, thy offspring are scattered abroad. Thy seed fills the houses of nobles, knights, and esquires; some of them eat at their tables, and others serve behind them. There is scarce au

office in the church, or under the crown, but some of thy progeny are in possession thereof in all countries. Court and convocation, the church and the theatre, are crowded with thy descendants: from the cathedral down to the smallest dissenting congregation, some of thy sons are in place. In all places of public concourse, the sons of Issachar make a large party. Whoever shall attend any place of public concourse shall find a great number of thy descendants: so stupid and thoughtless are men turned, that they every day bring themselves under burdens which they might easily prevent.

There are many burdens fixed upon us by the stupidity of former generations, that even those who would cannot so easily get clear of them in our times. Heaven grant help to such as are forced to any piece of slavery against their inclination, and speedily give them deliverance. We live under a government where grievances will be considered, if faithfully represented; and it is surely our own fault if we bear burdens. The burden is often heavy, and the cry loud; but proper means of redress are seldom pursued. It is to be feared, we are not yet prepared for deliverance; for we do not apply for it earnestly, nor make use of proper means: we groan like asses, but do not bestir ourselves.

I shall consider some grievous burdens that several of this free nation bear, which are very unreasonable; and consider a method to have them removed.

1. There is a burden of taxes upon the poor, which they are not able to bear. It needs no proof, for it is sufficiently felt, that many of the necessaries of life pay very heavy duties. It may be, for any thing I know, necessary for the paying of public expences, that the subjects are so burdened; but there ought certainly some regard to be bad to the strength of the beasts of burden. All asses are not equally strong. They should be burdened according to their strength and abilities. Meat, drink, and clothing, should be made as easy as possible; things without which we cannot live ought to be gently taxed. The poor cannot well live with less necessary food than the rich; neither can they go naked. There must be some reasons why they do not enjoy the necessaries of life according to their needs. The very shoes of their feet are taxed. They enjoy no light, but what pays duty to the government. I may be mistaken; for perhaps they pay for their windows and candles, but not for the light of them. But the window, the candle, and the light, are so nearly related, that in many cases we cannot well separate them. But whatever may be the theory of these things, there are none but feel them in practice. There are several things which might bear duty better than these by which the poor live. Let all the superfluities of life pay: but why oppress the poor? Even asses deserve pity: "a merciful man is merciful towards his beast." There is no reasoning against power, where there is no law to restrain it; but as we have laws securing our privileges, why should any subjects be

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oppressed?

oppressed? We may certainly complain with safety, even suppose we should not immediately receive redress. One would readily suppose that there should be some proportion between the burdens laid upon the poor, and the dearness of the necessary provisions, and the quantity of current specie: one of these should certainly take place, either to have taxes lessened, provisions cheaper, or money more plenty. As to the theory of these matters, or how they may be balanced in the economy of a prime minister, that is not my province to say; but I think every subject may say, when he is oppressed, he is not free. When men are doing their utmost endeavours to serve their king and country, it is hard they should not be able to live, when the quantity of provisions in the kingdom are far from being scarce. When demands are made upon the lower part of mankind for the ordinary rate of duty imposed upon them by the government, they are obliged to pay, or be distressed; but they cannot either raise their wages, or lower the prices of provisions. If they complain, they are not heard; if they resist, they are belaboured like ASSES; or if, through hunger and want, they should be compelled to rise up to relieve themselves, then they must wait the issue of a trial in some court of justice, where the consequences are very visibly represented in some late cases*. Merciful Lord! would any people rise in mobs to disturb a peaceable nution, if they could help it, who have been so ready in time of war to venture their lives for its safety? Nay, it is pinching hunger that is the cause of it. Some few there may be, that may join in riots without a cause; but the subjects of Britain love their King and Country too dearly to disturb their peace. Reasonable duty all good subjects will be disposed to pay; but when the weight lies upon the poor, where is the reasonableness of the tax? It is no reflection upon the King, that the poor are oppressed, for he does not make the laws: the subjects oppress one another. They are like the fishes of the sea, the great devour the small;-only with this difference, that we are devoured by LAW.

I have not mentioned the names and number of that burden of taxes with which we are oppressed, for they are well known. The very paper I am writing upon has not escaped the excise. This may perhaps be reasonable; for men may live without writing, but cannot without food and raiment. In several respects, the poorer sort of the subjects are not free: they are obliged to couch down between two burdens; one of tuxes, and another of artificial scarcity of provisions. We have this liberty above those nations where arbitrary power prevails-we may utter our complaints, without danger, providing we make no rash attempts to ease ourselves.

But for all this burden of taxes there is some shew of reason; government must be supported, the debt of the nation must be

This was written in the year 1768.

paid off, pensioners must be maintained, and clerks' dues must be discharged. All these things the valet de chambre of a minister of state knows better than I can pretend to.-But there is,

2. A burden which several of his Majesty's subjects are made to couch down under, for which I can see no reason at all-to pay for bread and wine they never taste; to entertain people they have no concern with. This, they say, we are obliged to do by law; at least they threaten us with it, if we refuse to pay. If it be law, it is not justice, to make persons pay for other people's provisions, when they are abundantly able to do it themselves. But why pay for the bread and wine made use of at Easter, and not also for every other month of the year? This is perhaps for the whole. It is far too much for those who do not make use of it. But they may if they will; but why may they not, if they will? Is there any compulsion in matters of religion, in a land of liberty? But they are not compelled to eat and drink, but to pay. And where is the reason for that? If it was charity, it would be due, but where is the righteousness of the demand? I am afraid it savours of a law that was excogitated at Rome many hundred years ago. It is reasonable that every communicant pay; but why impose upon Dissenters ?-especially such as have no freehold. Must every householder pay for what he never has any benefit by? This is surely such a burden as the Scribes and Pharisees laid in old times upon the common people.

What law of Christ and his Apostles is this founded upon? It should be founded some where in the New Testament, for it relates to religion. I should pay it for conscience sake, if they will shew me where it's required in the Gospel. It is surely neither decent nor orderly to make a feast, and oblige every one to pay for it, whether they can in conscience do it or not. This is using men like asses with a witness. They ill deserve communion with their Saviour, that are not willing to bear the expence of the outward elements of that communion. Say that it is charity, or prove that it is scriptural, and all good Christians will pay it for conscience sake. It is but reasonable they have some satisfaction for their money.

Any people that were not past shame would blush to demand a thing for a religious use they could not produce a warrant for from the word of God. "The love of money is the root of all evil;" and the passion for it prevails no where more than near the altar. Ah, ye priests! ye make us pay for all things; ye catch u's as soon as we come into the world, and ye never lose sight of us till we return to dust. Our mothers must pay you for bearing of us, our fathers for having us baptized. When we are married, and when we are buried, ye must be paid. When we come into the world, and when we go out of it, ye set a price upon our heads. And did these two demands satisfy you, we might forgive you; but as long as our heads are on our bodies, we must satisfy you