"only difference is, that we are situated at a farther distance "from Rome. If a difference in climate should change the na "ture and disposition of men, the inhabitants of Marseilles, "surrounded as they are with ignorant and barbarous nations, "should necessarily have long since degenerated; and yet we are informed that you have as great a regard for them, as if "they lived in the centre of Greece. And indeed, they have "retained, not only the sound of the language, the dress, and "the whole exterior of the Greeks, but have also preserved "still more their manners, laws, and genius, and all these pure "and uncorrupted by their correspondence with the neigh“bouring nations. Mount Taurus is now the boundary of your "empire. Every country on this side of it ought not to appear "remote from you. Wherever you have carried your arms,

convey thither also the genius and form of your government. "Let the barbarians who are accustomed to slavery, continue "under the empire of kings, since it is grateful to them. The "Greeks in the mediocrity of their present condition, think "it glorious to imitate your exalted sentiments. Born and "nurtured in liberty, they know you will not deem it a crime "in them to be jealous of it, as you yourselves are so. For"merly, their own strength was sufficient to secure empire to "them; but now they implore the Gods that it may be enjoy"ed for ever by those people with whom they have placed it. "All they desire is, that you would be pleased to protect, "by the power of your arms, their liberties, as they are no "longer able to defend them by their own. But, says some"body, some of these cities have favoured Antiochus. Had "not the others favoured Philip also; and the Tarentines, "Pyrrhus? to cite but one people, Carthage, your enemy as "well as rival, enjoys its liberties and laws. Consider, O Romans, the engagements which this example lays you under. "Will you indulge to Eumenes' ambition (I beg his pardon for "the expression), what you refused to your own just indigna"tion? As for us Rhodians, in this, as well as in all the wars "which you have carried on in our countries, we have endea "voured to behave as good and faithful allies; and you are to << judge whether we have really been such. Now we enjoy 66 peace, we are so free as to give you a counsel which must "necessarily be glorious to you. If you follow it, it will demon"strate to the universe, that however nobly you obtain victo"ries, you yet know how to make a nobler use of them."

It was impossible to forbear applauding this speech, and it was thought worthy of the Roman grandeur. The senate

found itself on this occasion divided and opposed by different sentiments and duties, of whose importance and justice they were sensible, but which at the same time it was difficult to reconcile on this occasion. On one side, gratitude with regard to the services of a king, who had adhered to them with inviolable zeal and fidelity, made a strong impression on their minds: on the other, they earnestly wished to have it thought, that the sole view of their undertaking this war was, to restore the Grecian cities to their liberty. It must be confessed, that the motives on both sides were exceedingly strong. The restoring of every part of Greece to its liberties and laws, after Philip's defeat, had acquired the Romans a reputation infinitely superior to all other triumphs. But then it would be dangerous to displease so powerful a prince as Eumenes; and it was the interest of the Romans to bring over other kings to their side, by the attractive charms of advantage. However, the wisdom of the senate knew how to conciliate these different duties.

Antiochus's ambassadors were brought in after those of Rhodes, and all they requested of the senate was, to confirm the peace which L. Scipio had granted them. They complied with their desire, and accordingly some days after, it also was ratified in the assembly of the people.

The ambassadors of the Asiatic cities were likewise heard, and the answer made them was, that the senate would dispatch, pursuant to their usual custom, ten commissioners to inquire into, and settle the affairs of Asia. It was told them in general, that Lycaonia, the two Phrygias, and Mysia, should thenceforward be subject to king Eumenes. The Rhodians were allotted the possession of Lycia, and that part of Caria which lies nearest to Rhodes, and part of Pisidia. In both these distributions, such cities were excepted as enjoyed their freedom, before the battle fought against Antiochus. It was enacted that the rest of the cities of Asia, which had paid tribute to Attalus, should also pay it to Eumenes; and that such as had been tributaries to Antiochus, should be free and exempt from contributions of every kind.

Eumenes and the Rhodians seemed very well satisfied with this new regulation. The latter requested as a favour, that the inhabitants of Soles, a city of Cilicia, descended originally, as well as themselves, from the people of Argos, might be restored to their liberty. The senate, after consulting Antiochus's ambassadors on that head, informed the Rhodians of the violent opposition which those ambassadors had made to their request; because Soles, as situated beyond mount Taurus, was not in

cluded in the treaty: however, that if they imagined the honour of Rhodes was concerned in this demand, they would again attempt to overcome their repugnance. The Rhodians, returning their most hearty thanks once more to the Romans, for the great favours they vouchsafed them, answered, that it was far from their intention to interrupt the peace in any man. ner, and retired highly satisfied.

The Romans decreed a triumph to Æmilius Rhegillus, who had gained a victory at sea over the admiral of Antiochus's fleet, and still more justly to L. Scipio, who had conquered the king in person. He assumed the surname of Asiaticus, that his titles might not be inferior to those of his brother, upon whom that of Africanus had been conferred.

Thus ended the war against Antiochus, which was not of long duration, cost the Romans but little blood, and yet contributed very much to the aggrandizing of their empire. But, at the same time, this victory contributed also, in another manner, to the decay and ruin of that very empire, by introducing into Rome, by the wealth it brought into it, a taste and love for luxury and effeminate pleasures; for it is from this victory over Antiochus, and the conquest of Asia, that Pliny * dates the depravity and corruption of manners in the republic of Rome, and the fatal changes which ensued in it.. Asia,† vanquished by the Roman arms, afterwards vanquished Rome by its vices. Foreign wealth extinguished in that city a love for the ancient poverty and simplicity, in which its strength and honour consisted. Luxury, that in a manner entered Rome in triumph with the superb spoils of Asia, brought with her in her train irregularities and crimes of every kind, made greater havoc in the city than the mightiest armies could have done, and in that manner avenged the conquered globe.

Reflections on the conduct of the Romans respecting the

Grecian States, and the Kings of Europe and Asia.

THE reader begins to discover, in the events before related, one of the principal characteristics of the Romans, which will soon determine the fate of all the states of Greece, and produce an almost general change in the universe, I mean a spirit of sovereignty and dominion. This characteristic does not display itself at first in its full extent; it reveals itself only by degrees; and it is but by insensible progressions, which at the same time are rapid enough, that we see it carried at last to its greatest height.

It must be confessed, that this people, on certain occasions, show such a moderation and disinterestedness, as, to consider them only from their outside, exceed every thing we meet with in history, and to which it seems inconsistent to refuse praise. Was there ever a more delightful or more glorious day, than that in which the Romans, after having carried on a long and dangerous war, after crossing seas, and exhausting their treasures, caused a herald to proclaim, in a general assembly, that the Roman people restored all the cities to their liberty, and desired to reap no other fruit by their victory, than the noble pleasure of doing good to nations, the bare remembrance of whose ancient glory sufficed to endear them to the Romans? The description of that immortal day can hardly be read without tears, and without being affected with a kind of enthusiasm of esteem and admiration.

Had this deliverance of the Grecian states proceeded merely from a principle of generosity, vcid of all interested motives; had the whole tenor of the conduct of the Romans been of the same nature with such exalted sentiments; nothing could possibly have been more august, or more capable of doing honour to a nation. But if we penetrate ever so little beyond this glaring outside, we soon perceive that this specious moderation of the Romans, was entirely founded on a profound policy; wise, indeed, and prudent, according to the ordinary rules of government, but at the same time very remote from that noble disinterestedness so highly extolled on the present occasion. It may be affirmed that the Grecians then abandoned themselves to a stupid joy; fondly imagining that they were really free, because the Romans declared them so.

Greece, in the times I am now speaking of, was divided between two powers; I mean the Grecian republics, and Macedonia; and they were always engaged in war; the former to

preserve the remains of their ancient liberty; and the latter to complete their subjection. The Romans, being perfectly well acquainted with this state of Greece, were sensible that they needed not be under any apprehensions from those little republics, which were grown weak through length of years, by intestine feuds, mutual jealousies, and the wars they had been forced to support against foreign powers. But Macedonia, which was possessed of well disciplined troops, inured to all the toils of war; which had continually in view the glory of its former monarchs; which had formerly extended its conquests to the extremities of the globe; which still harboured an ardent, though chimerical desire of attaining universal empire; and which had a kind of natural alliance with the kings of Egypt and Syria, sprung from the same origin, and united by the common interests of monarchy: Macedonia, I say, gave just alarms to Rome, which, from the ruin of Carthage, had no obstacles left with regard to their ambitious designs, but those powerful kingdoms that shared the rest of the world between them, and especially Macedonia, as it lay nearest to Italy.

To balance therefore the power of Macedon, and to dispossess Philip of the aids he flattered himself he should receive from the Greeks, which indeed had they united all their forces with his, in order to oppose this common enemy, would perhaps have made him invincible with regard to the Romans; in this view, I say, this latter people declared loudly in favour of those republics; made it their glory to take them under their protection, and that with no other design, in outward appearance, than to defend them against their oppressors; and further to attach them by a still stronger tie, they hung out to them a specious bait, as a reward for their fidelity, I mean li berty, of which all the republics in question were inexpressibly jealous, and which the Macedonian monarchs had perpetually disputed with them.

The bait was artfully prepared, and swallowed very greedily by the generality of the Greeks, whose views penetrated no farther: but the most judicious and most clear-sighted among them, discovered the danger that lay concealed beneath this charming bait: and accordingly they exhorted the people from time to time, in their public assemblies, to beware of this cloud that was gathering in the west; and which, changing on a sudden into a dreadful tempest, would break like thunder over their heads, to their utter destruction.

Nothing could be more gentle and equitable than the conduct