solicitor. We are bound by treaty to do all that we can to preserve a health which is daily sinking, but failing that, we should take such means as are in our power to secure the sick man's rich inheritance to his natural heirs-the Christian populations who are subject to his rule.

It is, however, no kindness to these populations, but, on the contrary, a very great unkindness to encourage them to premature action.

Contrast the results to the Danubian Principalities of the moral support given by Mr. Gladstone in his well-judged opposition to the Conservative Government, assisted in this particular matter by Lord Palmerston, eighteen years ago. Contrast the action of those who pressed some years later for the evacuation of the Servian fortresses with the proceedings of the mischief-makers who got up the insurrection in Bulgaria, or who urged Servia into the present war.

Let the issue of existing complications be what it will, how long will it be before either Servia, or the recently disturbed part of Bulgaria, are recompensed for the sufferings they have gone through? Read Mr. Blunt's reports from Adrianople in the papers presented in 1867. Read the account of a journey made two or three years ago from Belgrade to Constantinople, given by Dr. Sandwith in a recent number of Fraser.

Do these documents describe countries which can be with impunity plunged in war? Do they not rather describe countries where what you want is tolerably enlightened government, enforced by the presence of well-informed ambassadors at Constantinople?

Up to the date at which I write, we know nothing absolutely conclusive about the origin of the Bulgarian insurrection; but we may, judging from what has occurred before, guess that it was to some extent the work of a Bulgarian revolutionary committee at Bucharest taking advantage of the proceedings of tax-gatherers, always bad in Turkey, as in Greece, and probably, in the financial circumstances of the Porte, worse this year than ever.

*

Whoever they may be who must bear that responsibility, a terrible one it is, for the more we hear of the massacres the worse they seem, and their hideous details may give rash orators, who think of nothing but reflecting the opinion of the moment, and raising a silly cheer, some notion of the unspeakable misery that would fall on the whole population of Turkey in Europe, and Turkey in Asia, if once the ruling minority became persuaded that the long-expected death-struggle had come.

And let us lay no flattering unction to our souls. If we indulge the natural feelings of rage and disgust caused by the atrocity of

* See Selected Writings of Lord Strangford, vol. i. pages 191, 197, 213.

the Turkish proceedings so far as to insist, as the Economist seems to fear, on a change of the cautious policy with regard to Turkey, in which Lord Granville, Lord Derby, Lord Hartington, and even Mr. Gladstone join, nothing that we can do, by any expenditure of blood and treasure, can prevent terrible calamities.

The intervention of the great Powers to effect a mediation, and patching up with improvements of the miserable status quo, is the only end to the present perplexity that has received the approval of any serious politician. A one-sided intervention of either Austria or Russia would in all likelihood lead to a bloody and desperate war, with what results who can say?

Public feeling in both these countries is extremely roused, and no wonder.

I mentioned above that annexationist ideas had of late been coming more into favour at Vienna, but it is hardly possible to believe that the Government can allow itself to be carried away by them. People may murmur that it is better to buy a field which you don't want, though it marches with your estate, rather than let a neighbour build on it a gunpowder factory. The danger, however, of annexing Bosnia would be that Austria would at once have on her territory an ill-regulated gunpowder factory close to other gunpowder factories, which as it is she can just manage to oversee and keep harmless. The gain then would not be great.

Among the worst symptoms in the state of the Empire at present are the strange and desperate counsels that receive support from serious people. More than once Count Andrassy would seem to have done his utmost to bring on a war with Russia, and many persons must have observed in a paper in Fraser, sent from Vienna (which excited deserved attention in July, although, being a most curious amalgam of truth and error, it requires to be read with great caution), the following astounding declaration of opinion:

"No one thinks of the Empire, no one respects it, for all modern historical memories are associated with defeats, from the wars with the first French Republic down to Sadowa. The choice therefore only remains to Austria to wage a successful war during the course of the next ten years or to perish. Patriotism must be roused at whatever cost, or else the army must acquire fresh confidence to be able to break the power exercised by the provinces. To perish in war would be more honourable than to crumble slowly to atoms in peace."

Quem Deus vult perdere! The one hope for Austria is peace. Even with peace her difficulties are enormous, but if that goes we may make up our minds for far worse calamities than those which we are now witnessing in the East. The status quo is not indefinitely maintainable, but it is, at least, better than playing a game with a hundred chances to one against you.

In Russia the very natural irritation of the people has up to this time been under the control of the Government, which is sincerely anxious for peace and convinced that a replâtrage is the only course conformable either to the interest of Russia or of any one else. How long this attitude might continue if the successes obtained by the Turks led to overweening confidence on their part and to acts repugnant to humanity in the course of their invasion of Servia is another question, more especially as it is said that the clergy have recently shown symptoms of restlessness at the defeats of the Orthodox.

What the state of opinion in Germany may be on the questions now open in the East it is difficult to say. Some months ago the talk was all in favour of letting things take their course in the belief that German interests were not directly affected by anything that could happen in the Balkan Peninsula. Then there was a strange outburst in the press against England, as if she were taking the anti-Liberal side.

All this is very strange, but we must not forget that, as Mr. Klaczko well brings out in his interesting book, "Les Deux Chanceliers," personal influences and relations are still of quite enormous importance in the politics of the three empires, and nowhere more than in Germany. It would really seem as if events in the last ten years had gone too quick for a solid and soberminded country, as if Germans had for a time lost the habit of applying to politics the same mental habits with which they approach other subjects-hence, perhaps, the strange phenomenon of the nation seeming to vary its view with the view of one singularly capricious and impulsive politician.

Far removed from the scene of the contest, belonging to another race and to a widely different creed, for there is no sect in this country which has much in common, either with Mohammedanism or with the Fetish-worship which passes but too often for Christianity amongst the lower classes in the East, we ought to be able, while feeling just indignation at the horrors committed by both sides, and most of course by the most powerful, to keep our heads cool, and not to exhibit to Europe the absurd spectacle of changing our policy, as we were urged to do by some speakers in the House of Commons the other day, because Turkish irregulars and perhaps frightened Turkish populations have acted as they have always acted before.

If good to the subjects of the Porte is to come out of the present miseries, it cannot be but by the most anxious' and watchful care on the part of the statesmen of Europe, poorly furnished as most of them are with the information which they ought to have.

Those of us who recollect the Crimean war often laughed at the

Buono-Johnny enthusiasm of those days. It would be a pity if we were to witness a Cattivo-Johnny enthusiasm now.

Any indulgence of enthusiasm, indeed, on either side, would be miserably out of place, and we cannot do better than remember the exhortation* of Mahmoud to his Vizier, at the outbreak of the war of 1828-"Keep your wits together, for Allah knows the danger is great."

M. E. GRANT DUFF.

* Quoted by Moltke in the book on the Russian operations of 1828-9, which he published in 1845, when the world little dreamt that the Prussian major, who so carefully criticized the operations of Diebitsch, was to be himself the greatest master of the Art of War.

A

PRACTICE has sprung up, especially since the advent to power of the present Government, which cannot be too energetically deprecated. It may be described as the art of turning public Bills into private ones. A measure is introduced which has two aspects: it involves problems of the largest and most important kind; it raises questions of the highest moral significance. But, besides, it touches and alarms some powerful and well-organized body. Symptoms of a strong and pertinacious opposition arise, the Press takes the alarm, deputations are organized, meetings are called; the Government find it is necessary, if they mean to carry anything, to come to terms. The interest endangered makes its demands, which, after more or less haggling, are agreed to. From this time the measure is looked upon as passed. It is postponed to unearthly hours, when debate is difficult and reporting impossible. The conciliated interest-fearful lest, if the matter be deferred to another Session, a worse thing may befall them, and anxious to realize the fruits of their work in the way of agitation-lend their full support to the Government. The consequence is that the voice of those who would speak for the public is stifled, and there is nothing left but submission to whatever it may please the two high contracting powers to dictate.

If any one desires to see a typical instance of this method of legislation by compact, with no reference to any consideration 3 с

VOL. XXVIII.