illogical inferences, that the reader, being absolutely dependent upon Mr. Spedding, is led completely astray. I shall now show how little value is to be attached to some of Mr. Spedding's "facts," and will prove, beyond the possibility of dispute, that the real facts of Bacon's life are quite incompatible with Mr. Spedding's theory about Bacon-which is this, that he was a man who "all his life long had thought more of his duty than his fortune doing with his heart whatever his hand found to do, without consideration of reward" (viii. 284); "all his life long he had been studying to know and to speak the truth; " and Mr. Spedding further doubts "whether there was ever any man whose evidence upon matters of fact may be more absolutely relied on."

I.

To the facts then: and, taking Mr. Spedding where he seems to be strongest, let us analyse such of his facts as bear on Bacon's conduct to Essex. In strict accordance with his perfect confidence in Bacon's veracity, Mr. Spedding not only implicitly accepts every statement made by Bacon in his "Apology," but also does not shrink from championing the Report-for which Bacon himself admits that he was responsible as penman-commonly known as "The Declarations of the Treasons of Essex," and described by Lord Clarendon as "a pestilent libel," but by Mr. Spedding as "a narrative strictly and scrupulously veracious." 'Nobody," he adds, "has yet attempted to specify any particular untruth expressed or implied in the Government Declaration." This is an intimidating statement; but I shall not shrink from being the first, if I am the first, to attempt to specify some particular untruths expressed or implied in this "veracious narrative;" and I believe Mr. Spedding will have to admit that, at least, some of these are untruths.

1. The Declaration states (II. 247) that it sets down "the very confessions and testimonies themselves, word for word taken out of the originals." This is not true. The confessions are garbled, and purposely garbled. There is a letter from Cecil (II. 314) expressly requesting the omission of certain words from the evidence because they would look "too suspicious." Mr. Jardine is quite right in saying that many of the omitted passages (some of which are marked "om." in Coke's or Bacon's handwriting) materially weaken the case against Essex.

2. "So likewise those points of popularity which every man took notice and note of, as his affable gestures, &c., were either the qualities of a nature disposed to disloyalty, or the beginnings and conceptions of that which afterwards grew to shape and form."

Contrast this with Bacon's own advice to Essex in 1596: "The

third impression is of a popular reputation; which, because it is a thing good in itself, being obtained as your Lordship obtaineth it, that is, bonis artibus (and besides, well governed, it is one of the best flowers of your greatness both present and to come), it would be handled tenderly. The only way is to quench it verbis and not rebus: and therefore to take all occasions, to the Queen to speak against popularity and popular courses vehemently, and to tax it in all others but nevertheless to go on in your honourable commonwealth courses as you do."

3. "It was strange with what appetite and thirst he did affect and compass the government of Ireland." Untrue. We have Cecil's own testimony that the Earl was unwilling to go. "The cup, said the Secretary, "will hardly pass from him."*

4. "He meant besides to engage himself in other journeys that should hinder the prosecution in the North." Not true. He wished to prosecute the journey to the North at once, but was dissuaded by his Council.

5. "He did voluntarily engage himself in an unseasonable and fruitless journey into Munster, a journey never propounded in the council there, never advertised over hither while it was past." Untruth, No. 1 (implied): The Council had itself "propounded a journey into Leinster," and the journey into Munster was simply an extension of that, arising from the invitation of the President of Munster. Untruth, No. 2: Cecil, the Earl's chief enemy, writing from England, announced to Sir H. Neville in France the intention of Essex to pass into Munster, and announces it without any disapproval. Here are Cecil's own words: "For the time of the year not serving to pass into Ulster (to break the head of the rebellion) till the month of June, within twenty days his Lordship began a journey into Leinster, and from thence intends (note intends, not intended) to pass into Munster, with a purpose to secure those provinces, that thereby the main action of Ulster may be proceeded with, with less distraction."† It is therefore false to say that the journey was "never advertised over hither while it was past.'

6. "And with this message (an offer of Tyrone to make Essex the greatest man in England) this examinate made the Earl of Essex acquainted before his coming to this examinate's house, at that time when this examinate was sent to Tyrone [and the Earl of Essex shaked his head at it and gave no certain answer to it]." By suppressing the expression of Essex's dissent, the Government

Birch, ii. 394. Abundant proof could be given of this: and Professor Brewer has recently forwarded to me copies of two letters from Essex to Southampton, 1 January, 1599, and from Blount to Essex, 3 January, 1599, which place Essex's unwillingness beyond question. That to Southampton, begins: "Into Ireland I go; the Queen hath irrevocably decreed it, the Council do passionately urge it, and I am tied in my own reputation to use no tergiversation." (lviii. 86.)

Winwood Memorials, May 23.

VOL. XXVIII.

L

untruthfully exaggerated the force of Lee's evidence. And to prevent any cross-examination of Lee (which was allowed to Essex in the case of Sir Ferdinando Gorge) the Government had Lee executed two days before the trial of Essex.

7." A little before my Lord's coming over into England," a treasonable conversation took place. Not true. A sentence in Blount's confession distinctly states the date: "this was some time before the Earl's journey to the north." But this is suppressed by the Government for the purpose of causing the treasonable conversation in Dublin to appear to have sprung out of an understanding with Tyrone, and to have been immediately acted upon by the return of Essex to England. This is evident from the following passage in the Declaration-"But on the Earl of Essex's part ensued immediately after this parley a strange motion and project, which though no doubt he had harboured in his breast before, yet for anything yet appeareth, he did not utter and break with any in it, before he had been confirmed and justified in his purpose by the combination and correspondence which he found in Tyrone upon their conference." Mr. Spedding himself admits that he is "driven to the conclusion" that the date in the Declaration is wrong.

8. "Condescending to Blunt's advice to surprise the Court, he did pursue that plot accordingly." Not true. He took six men to court. "Blunt's advice" had been given in an idle conversation six weeks before, which had dropped, and nothing had come of it. But Bacon transposes the date in order, by "a little mixture of a lie," to magnify a few hasty words into a deliberate conspiracy.

9. "The principal article of them (Tyrone's conditions of peace) being that there should be a general restitution of rebels in Ireland to all their lands and possessions that they could pretend any right to before their going out into rebellion." Probably untrue; not proved. The document printed by Mr. Spedding as "Tyrone's Propositions"-"an enclosure, I suppose," he says, in a letter of Cecil's is demonstrably spurious; and there are no grounds for thinking that Cecil enclosed anything in the letter mentioned by Mr. Spedding. Writing to Neville, on the 18th September-that is, eleven days after the parley between Essex and Tyrone, Cecil does enclose "an abstract of proceedings which my Lord hath held." What the "proceedings" were we do not know, for the enclosure is not preserved; but we do know that Cecil considered them, so far, promising. And that Sir H. Neville was of the same opinion, is clear from his reply-" Your honour hath imparted to me the substance of a parley between the Earl of Essex and Tyrone, for which I must humbly thank you, and beseech God there may

Even those who are familiar with Mr. Spedding's most determined prejudices may be surprised to hear that he thinks the true date makes the case worse for Essex.

grow a good conclusion thereof, to her Majesty's quiet and contentment."

”毫

10. In the second confession of Sir Ferdinando Gorge, the Government suppressed a passage stating that on the Tuesday before the insurrection (September 3) no definite plan had been resolved on, but "we brake up and resolved of nothing, but referred all to my Lord of Essex himself." In the coufessions of Sir John Davies and of Sir Christopher Blount, the Government suppressed similar passages.

To these misstatements we may add those in the "Apology," and also the discrepancies between the "Apology" and certain letters:1. Bacon says in the "Apology" that he dissuaded the Earl of Essex by certain arguments from going to Ireland; whereas there is evidence that he, by those very arguments, when correctly represented, encouraged him to go.

2. He declares in the "Apology" that he excused himself to the Queen for absence from the Star Chamber on the ground of illness; whereas an extant letter proves that he excused himself on the ground that his devotion to the Queen's service made him so unpopular with Essex's faction, as to endanger his life.

3. In certain letters written for Essex and Anthony Bacon, he declares that the Queen was unwilling to call Essex to trial. In the "Apology" he states that she was bent upon it, and that he strove vainly to divert her.

4. In the same letters and in others Bacon recognises the existence of dangerous enemies to Essex in attendance on the Queen. In the trial for treason he ignores the existence of such enemies, and accuses Essex of hypocrisy in feigning their existence.

To demonstrate in detail the inaccuracies of the Declaration, would be impossible within the limits of this article; I can only pledge myself to do this hereafter. But it will be quite possible at once to show the misstatements in Bacon's "Apology," and this we will proceed to do. To begin, then, with Bacon's advice to Essex before the Earl set out for Ireland. Bacon would have us believe that he sedulously dissuaded his patron from undertaking that fatal enterprise; and accordingly, with childlike simplicity, Mr. Spedding believes it. "Of the advice," says Mr. Spedding, "which Bacon did in fact give, we must be content with his own report, there being no other record of it," and he then proceeds to quote the "record" from Bacon's "Apology." But Mr. Spedding is mistaken. There is another "record," namely, in one of Bacon's extant letters; and the "record" of the letter contradicts the

• Winwood Memorials.—I gladly acknowledge my obligations to Professor Brewer, who supplied me with other cogent arguments demonstrating the spuriousness of this document, when I communicated my suspicions to him.

"record" of the "Apology." The reader shall have the opportunity of comparing the two "records" :

Letter." Your late note of my silence in your occasions hath made me set down these few and wandering lines, as one that would say somewhat and can say nothing, touching your Lordship's intended charge for Ireland. But I am at the last point first, some good spirit leading me to presage success. For first, looking into the course of God's providence in things now depending, and calling to consideration how great things God hath done by her Majesty and for her, I collect he hath disposed of this great defection in Ireland, thereby to give an urgent occasion to the reduction of that whole kingdom-and so the honour countervaileth the adventure. Of which honour your Lordship is in no small possession, when that her Majesty hath made choice of you (merely out of her Royal judgment, her affection inclining rather to continue your attendance), into whose hand and trust to put the commandment and conduct of so great forces.

"And if any man be of opinion that the nature of the enemy doth extenuate the honour of the service, being but a rebel and a savage-I differ from him. For I see the justest triumphs that the Romans in their greatness did obtain were of such an enemy as this, that is, people barbarous and not reduced to civility, magnifying a kind of lawless liberty, prodigal in life, hardened in body, fortified in woods and bogs, and placing both justice and felicity in the sharpness of their swords. Such were the Germans and the ancient Britons and divers others."

Apology." Touching his going into Ireland, it pleased him expressly and in a set manner to desire mine opinion and counsel. At which time I did not only dissuade, but protest against his going: telling him with as much vehemency and asseveration as I could, that absence in that kind would exulcerate the Queen's mind, whereby it would not be possible for him to carry himself so as to give her sufficient contentment. And because I would omit no argument, I remember I stood also upon the difficulty of the action setting before him out of histories that the Irish were such an enemy as the ancient Gauls or Germans or Britons were: and we saw how the Romans yet when they came to deal with enemies which placed their felicity only in liberty and the sharpness of their sword, and had the natural elemental advantages of bogs and woods, and hardness of bodies, they ever found that their hands were full of them: and therefore concluded that going over with such expectation as he did, and through the churlishness of the enterprise not likely to answer, it would mightily diminish his reputation... For I did as plainly see his overthrow chained as it were by destiny to that journey, as it is possible for any man to ground a judgment upon future contingents."

The reader will perceive that in writing the "Apology," Bacon's memory served him here-as in some other passages to be mentioned below-so badly that he could only remember one or two things that he actually said, and invented a great many other things that he did not say, but afterwards thought he ought to have said. Essex had expressly asked his advice, and he had given it; moreover, in giving it, he had mentioned the "Gauls" and "ancient Britons," their "woods and bogs," and the "hardness of their bodies;" but he had brought forward these historical references not to deter Essex, but to encourage him; instead of "seeing his overthrow chained as it were by destiny to that journey," he had "presaged success;" instead of predicting that