the mind, still it is contended, an expedient may be found which shall protect those rights from violation, and at the same time satisfy the law, which would otherwise infringe them.

Thus, if the legislature enjoin the performance of certain duties, on which it is supposed the very existence of government depends, and those duties happen to interfere with the constitutional rights of any individual, let that individual pay an equivalent, and be excused. If it be a military service, for instance, and his religious principles forbid him to fight, let him pay a tax for the support of schools, and make the tax equal to the military service. The argument fairly stated stands thus: The legislature shall not restrain the free exercise of conscience, but they may levy a fine or tax upon the advantages derived from the exemption.

Have I any objection to the support of schools? Far from it. I should rejoice to see knowledge and virtue diffused among the lower classes of society. I would cheerfully pay an equal tax for the purpose, and might even be disposed to encourage it by a voluntary contribution. But when I pay a partial tax- —a fine, I am neither discharging the common duties of a citizen, nor doing an act of benevolence: I am paying what is considered by the government as a debt; and for what consideration? plainly, for being allowed to enjoy the liberty of conscience.But I do not derive the liberty of conscience from the government; I hold it by a tenure antecedent to the institutions of civil society. It was secured to me in the social compact, and was never submitted to the legislature at all; they have, therefore, no such privilege to grant or withhold, at their plea

sure, and certainly no pretence of right or authority to sell it for a price. It appears then, that this exclusive tax for the support of schools is a groundless and oppressive demand. It is a muster-fine in disguise, and violates the very principle which it seemed to respect.

But is it not unreasonable, it is asked, that our fellow-citizens who believe war to be allowable and necessary, should be subjected to the hardships and privations incident to the training and service, while we, under the protection of our religious privileges enjoy complete exemption? We answer, no. If those citizens do believe that war is necessary for their defence;-if they conceive it to be their duty and their interest to fight;--if it accords with their religious principles to repel aggressions by the sword;--if, in the full exercise of their privileges, they give to the government authority to command them in these services; this is their own act, and they cannot complain of the consequences.

But a man is not the judge of his neighbour's conscience; and if the powers they surrender for themselves, involve constitutional privileges, they are binding only on those who have consented to them.

May I inquire what it is that constitutes the obligation to fight for one's country? I mean to apply the question to a free people; for under a despotism, the will of the master is the obligation of the slave. What is it then, in a free country, that induces a man to go to war? Is it for the protection of his rights? But what rights has he to protect, whose most essential privileges are already wrested from him? Or is it the interest which every individual feels in preserving his property, his home

his children, his friends? Have not all some interesting attachments? Have not all some endearing objects that cling about the heart? And is not the aggregate of these, their country? Every man, therefore, engaged by common consent in a defensive war, considers that he is fighting for himself and his domestic enjoyments. His home is identified with his country, and he is using those means which his own reason and conscience approve for its defence.-We too have homes, and a little property, and children, and friends, whose welfare is dearer than life. -We too connect them with our country, and for their preservation would make any sacrifice which our reason and conscience would approve. these forbid us to fight.

But

The being from whom we derive life and its enjoyments, the God that judgeth in the earth, has a right to prescribe to his creatures the conditions. upon which his blessings shall be obtained. It is their duty to yield obedience; and, in all events, to trust to his Divine providence for support and protection. Or, would it be better (as this might thwart our ambitious views, repress our pride, or interfere with our own plans of safety or success) to have a system of our own, adapted to what we conceive to be the true state of the world and its moral government, and take our defence into our own hands? This appears to have been the prevailing opinion; and what is the consequence? The earth is filled with violence. Almost every nation is either preparing for war, or engaged in actual hostilities; and every man is required to cherish in himself those dispositions, and to acquire those habits of dexterity and skill which shall render him an efficient and powVOL. VII.-20

erful instrument of death in the hands of others. An army cannot deliberate-the soldier cannot reflect he is no longer to consider himself as a free agent, as an intelligent and reasonable being, acting under the law of conscience, with an awful responsibility to his God: but on subjects involving life and death and a future judgment, he is simply required to obey his orders, and leave the question of right and wrong,--the termination of his existence here, and his hopes of happiness hereafter, to be tested by the policy of his government, or the opinion of his commanding officer.

And yet war is neither necessary, nor generally successful in obtaining justice, or supporting truth. Power and justice are inseparable concomitants only in the Deity: the existence and prevalence of war mark the depravity of man, and his tremendous capacity for doing evil. What does it avail the human. race that the tide of conquest and devastation has rolled from east to west, or from west to east, and that thousands and millions of our fellow creatures have been cut off in the midst of their days, and sent burning with fury and panting for revenge, into the presence of a just God, to receive their eternal destination? Why should I recount the horrors and miseries that follow in the train of war, and triumph in its ravages? Who has not reflected on the subject? and who does not deplore the wretched state of human nature, whether in producing, or in suffering these disgraceful calamities?

And is there no redress? Does there exist no power on earth or in heaven to arrest them? Yes, my friend, there is; it were impious to say there is not. There is, in the religion taught by Jesus

Christ, a power which is able to reconcile us to God, and to one another. It can divest the heart that receives it, of its propensities to wrongs and violence, and implant in their place the disposition to suffer wrongs and violence for its sake. Thousands of living witnesses bear testimony to this Divine principle;-thousands who would suffer any privation or punishment, rather than impede, by their example, its influence and increase. And ought it not to console the friend of his country and of his species, to see its growth, and to be assured by indubitable evidence, that it is possible to return good for evil, to love even our very enemies,—and for man, in all situations, to be the friend of man? I am, with much respect, thy friend,

BENJAMIN BATES.

SOME ACCOUNT

Of the peaceable Indians of Wihaloosing. Chiefly extracted from the works of Anthony Benezet and other

authors.

True religion is the effect produced in the soul by the operation of the power of God changing and purifying the heart, by bringing it into a state of true humility, and a submissive resignation to the Divine will. This has ever been found to be the fruits produced in those who have devoted themselves to its influence so as to become true followers of Jesus Christ.

A particular instance of this kind appeared about the year 1753, through the effectual workings of grace, in a number of Indians, then residing at