to make; which he said would be for an Address to the King, and for a conference with the Lords, that it might be the joint address of both Houses. He hinted, that the measures intended to be pursued, in case the King should comply with their address, were, to send more force; to bring in a temporary Act to put a stop to all the foreign trade of New England, particularly to their fishery on the banks of Newfoundland, till they returned to their duty; at the same time declaring that whenever they should acknowledge the supreme authority of the British legislature, pay obedience to the laws of this realm, and make a due submission to the King, their real grievances, upon their making proper application, should be redressed. His lordship observed, that the other colonies were not so culpable, and he hoped might yet be brought to a sense of their duty to the mother country by more lenient measures. The question, he said, lay within a very narrow compass it was simply, whether we should abandon this claim, and at once give up every advantage arising both from the sovereignty and the commerce, or to ensure both? Or whether we should resort to the measures in

dispensably necessary on such an occasion? He concluded with moving,

"That an humble Address be presented to his Majesty, to return his Majesty our most humble thanks, for having been graciously pleased to communicate to this House, the several papers relating to the present state of the British colonies in America, which, by his Majesty's commands, have been laid before this House, and from which, after taking them into our most serious consideration, we find, that a part of his Majesty's subjects in the province of the Massachuset's Bay have proceeded so far to resist the authority of the supreme legislature, that a rebellion at this time actually exists within the said province; and we see with the utmost concern, that they have been countenanced and encouraged by unlawful combinations and engagements, entered into by his Majesty's subjects, in several of the other colonies, to the injury and oppression of many of their innocent fellow subjects resident within the kingdom of Great Britain and the rest of his Majesty's dominions; this conduct on their part appears to us the more inexcusable, when we consider with how much temper his Majesty and the two Houses of Parliament have acted, in support of the laws and

constitution of Great Britain; to declare that we can never so far desert the trust reposed in us, as to relinquish any part of the sovereign authority over all his Ma jesty's dominions, which by law is vested in his Majesty and the two Houses of Parliament; and that the conduct of many persons, in several of the colonies, during the late disturbances, is alone sufficient to convince us how necessary this power is, for the protection of the lives and fortunes of all his Majesty's subjects; that we ever have been, and always shall be, ready to pay attention and regard to any real griev ances of any of his Majesty's subjects, which shall in a dutiful and constitutional manner be laid before us; and whenever any of the colonies shall make a proper application to us, we shall be ready to afford them every just and reasonable indulgence; but that, at the same time, we consider it as our indispensable duty, humbly to beseech his Majesty, that his Majesty will take the most effectual measures to enforce due obedience to the laws and authority of the supreme legislature; and that we beg leave, in the most solemn manner, to assure his Majesty, that it is our fixed resolution, at the hazard of our lives and properties, to stand by his Ma jesty, against all rebellious attempts, in the maintenance of the just rights of his Majesty and the two Houses of Parliament.

Mr. Dunning:

Sir; the noble lord has endeavoured, by every light into which he can throw the question, to prove that the resistance of the Americans, though it has gone no further than votes and resolu tions, is actual and open rebellion; and we are to come to a resolution declaratory of the same idea; I think, Sir, that there is no difficulty in proving the direct contrary position; that the Americans are not in rebellion, that the votes and resolutions of the several congresses, both provincial and continental, are decent and moderate, though firm declarations of the estimation in which liberty ought to be held, and tempered with the highest expressions of loyalty and duty to their sovereign. Against what is it that they rebel? Do they deny allegiance to his Majesty? Are they in arms in opposing the King's troops? By what explanation, or by what misconception, their conduct is now to be branded with so violent and so fatal an epithet, I cannot apprehend. You passed Acts in the last session, which, in

bellion

of the Americans is not that of rebellion. The error of this idea is pointed out, by simply recurring, not to the elaborate ar guments of so learned a gentleman, but to the deduction of common sense only. The several provincial meetings have or dered an arrangement of the militia; that the fensible men hold themselves armed, accoutred, and ready for actual service; that thirty rounds of powder and ball be provided. And the inhabitants of the colonies are so alert in obeying these orders, that they go beyond their commission, and seize upon the King's artillery and stores; the whole continent joining in one universal voice of disobedience to the legislature of this country. Now, Sir, if this is not rebellion, I desire the learned gentleman will explain what is rebellion. Throwing the stress of his argument on the point of proving that the colonists situation is not that of rebellion, is implying that the present proposition is wrong, only on that account; and admitting, that if they were in rebellion, the present measures would be perfectly right. By every principle of policy, we ought to render ourselves as secure as possible; and if we heard that such menacing circumstances as I have mentioned were breaking out in Scotland, in Ireland, or Cornwall, would not the ministry deserve impeachment, if they took no previous measures to smother those seeds of rebellion before they grew up too powerful for resistance. Should they wait till all the parties had joined, and were on one march to London? The cases are similar: if the colonists are allowed to proceed, they join in one powerful army, to resist which will be more difficult, and attended with more mischief, than to prevent the evils of such a campaign by vigorous measures, before their forces are in the field: I speak openly upon this point, because I am convinced their intentions are to open hostility against the troops, and to become independent of this country; and nothing can prevent their throwing off their alle giance, and becoming independent states, and this country losing all the commercial advantages from them she ever enjoyed, but a vigorous adherence to the measures now proposed.

stead of governing America, carried tyranny into the bowels of America, and overturned all legal constitution in one of their provinces; and you utterly ruined the capital of the empire in that part of the world, by way of punishing the insolence of a mob. You executed those Acts by force of arms; the people of the coloDies thinking themselves tyrannically used, and conceiving that the nature of their dependency upon the parliament of Great Britain was not well understood, on either side of the water, in order to treat with this country upon such momentous points, convened a general congress; the deputies met in that congress, came to resolutions declaratory of their ideas of their submission unto Britain, full of duty and allegiance to the King, and respect towards parliament; but as all free countries have licentious subjects, and freedom in that country is attended with licentious news-papers, we, the parliament of Great Britain, are to overlook the conduct of the congress, and search for proofs of reamong the American mobs and colony news-papers, which have actually been laid before us as state papers, upon which we are to form our resolutions; yet in the action of those mobs, and in the expressions of these news-papers is not rebellion to be found. And it must be by the most sophistical of all arguments, that such a deduction is to be drawn ; a people governed by a constitution subordinate to our own, but the extent and powers of which are unknown even to ourselves, professing the utmost loyalty and obedience to the King, and using no violence against his troops, nor being any where in arms, cannot, but by the utmost perversion of sense and expression, be denominated rebels. I insist that America is not in a state of rebellion. I insist that every appearance of riot, disorder, tumult, and sedition which the noble lord has so faithfully recounted from news-papers, arises not from disobedience, treason, or rebellion, but is created by the conduct of those, who are anxious to establish despotism; and whose views are manifestly directed to reduce America to the most abject state of servility, as a prelude to the realizing the same wicked system in the mother country.

Mr. Attorney General Thurlow:

Sir; the hon. and learned gentleman has greatly exerted his eloquence in order to prove, that the present situation [VOL. XVIII.]

Colonel Grant said, he had served in America, and knew the Americans well, was certain they would not fight. They would never dare to face an English army, and did not possess any of the qualifica tions necessary to make a good soldier; [Q]

Mr. Charles Fox spoke better than usual. He entered fully into the question; pointed out the injustice, the inexpediency and folly of the motion; prophesied defeat on one side the water, and ruin and punishment on the other. He moved an Amendment to omit all the motion, but the three or four first lines, and to substitute the following words: "But deploring that the information which they (the Papers) have afforded, serves only to convince the House that the measures taken by his Majesty's servants tend rather to widen than to heal the unhappy differences, which have so long subsisted between Great Britain and America, and praying a speedy alteration of the same.”

Mr. Grenville spoke well in support of the legislative power and controuling supremacy of parliament; but entirely disapproved of the present measures, as every way improper, intemperate and impolitic.

Mr. Cruger said, though interested as he was in the business before the House, he should have remained silent, had he not conceived that an hon. gentleman *(col. Grant) had thrown some undeserved reflections on the Americans, which he should take some notice of before he sat down, but that he chose first to pay a little attention to the general business. He observed, that the dispute between this country and her colonies was of such infinite importance to both, that he hoped he should be forgiven if he said it would be imprudent to enter into it, but with the utmust caution and deliberation; that we were now like men walking on the brink of a precipice; that there was danger in every step, and that in his opinion the salvation of this country depended on the measures that were adopted by the House this night. He then apprized the House that the settlement of the unhappy disputes between England and America did not particularly concern any set of men, whether in or out of administration; that it related to all, was connected with all, and materially affected the interests of the whole state. He then strongly recommended to all parties to go into an examination of the question, free from resentment or prejudice; to consider it with impartiality, to discuss it with temper, and

Captain Luttrell. Notwithstanding the variety of opinions, information, and arguments, we have heard from the different parts of this House, in the course of the several debates respecting our differences with America, I fear, if we venture to consider them in a right point of view, we shall find they have put this country into a situation we are not yet sufficiently aware of, but which requires a very serious attention. Sir, I know it is unfashionable, and by some it will be reckoned troublesome, to talk of our marine in parliament in times of peace; but after the recent proof we have had of the good disposition of a great majority of the Commons of England towards it, I have no doubt but they will cheerfully listen to the concerns of the navy; and as the papers now lying before us make it very materially neces sary for me to mention them, I must risk the displeasure of a few individuals, who perhaps from interest or iniquity have shewn an inclination to keep us in the dark. Sir, I congratulate administration upon the safe arrival of one half of captain Le Crass's squadron at Boston, because it is attended with this fortunate circumstance, that we know where to find those ships, and so have the power to recall them from a country where they must prove totally useless to one that may possibly need their protection. Sir, it seems to me very unaccountable, for what useful purposes these two deck ships could be sent to Boston, though I did indeed expect in the course of the correspondence between vice-admiral Graves and the board of Admiralty, some plausible excuse would have been offered us for disarming this country. But though, Sir, in this respect, and many others, these letters convey but very mited and insufficient information, they at

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Sir, a desperate people, made so by persecution and oppression, will not commit a desperate act; and, in imitation of our selves in former times, sue to some other power for protection? Can we believe, Sir, that the French and Spaniards will look any longer with an eye of indifference on these disputes, than may be consistent with their interest to do so; or that they have not, at this very hour, priests and emissaries in America, aided perhaps by your new Roman Catholic subjects, to blow the coal of contention between America and this country? Do we not know, Sir, that the Spaniards have never abandoned the claim they set up to Jamaica; and may we not expect, from their conduct at Falkland's Island, they wait such a favourable opportunity as this to commence hostilities against us? Or can we believe that the French will ever forget the manner in which you made reprisals, previous to the commencement of the late war? I fear indeed we are about to pursue an effectual, unconquerable, though unconstitutional method, to lay a permanent embargo on our trade; but it is still possible that the French, by way of reciprocity, may insult your coasts, while great part of your fleet is frozen up in a distant country. But, Sir, I must do the noble lord on the opposite bench, the justice to say, that he has been uniformly explicit in his principles respecting the navy; he tells us to be jealous of it; that it is the favourite service, and that we must be cautious not to bestow too much upon our fleet. Alas, Sir, the officers of the navy know, by experience, that under the present administration, there is little prospect of either honours or emoluments being bestowed on their service that need create a jealousy; though, Sir, I am aware it may be accounted ungrateful if I omit to acknowledge those very high and distinguished marks of his Majesty's favour, conferred on a late memorable occasion; no doubt at the recommendation of the ministers too, upon some of the oldest flag officers and most respectable characters in the English navy; Sir, I mean the honour of knighthood. Such flattering testimony of royal approbation, I admit was sufficient to create a sort of jealousy wherever the news went forth. Sir, those dignified characters will undoubtedly command uncommon respect both abroad and at home. The event has given a consequence to the naval service, and the youth of it look up with emulation to those high honours they

may possibly arrive at, on the close of a life of danger and fatigue, spent in the service of their country. But, Sir, I marvel not at this, because the noble lord upon a former occasion, was pleased to tell us, that the question with him was, how cheap we could be served? Sir, such an expression might possibly be well adapted to a parcel of Hessians, for I would give his lordship's economy all due credit where it was consistent with the honour and safety of the nation; and it might probably prove useful to this country if he will extend them to the civil as well as the military departments of the state. Then, Sir, on a fair investigation of the merits, should it appear that the navy and army receive more than a proportionable share of the loaves and fishes, let a part of them be appropriated to the inestimable services of the lords of Treasury, Admiralty and Trade. Sir, I think the noble lord who moved this Address has ventured to assert, that administration have a plan to intercept the trade of the Americans by means of our fleet cruizing on their coast. Now, Sir, I can divine but one source from whence such an idea can posssibly spring; and if I am right in my suggestion, I must dread the future consequences of a certain summer excursion. Sir, I have long been aware that they are attended with a very great and unnecessary expence to the public, and that the honours of the flag have been shamefully prostituted to the supercilious vanity of those who, as individuals, are by no means entitled to the distinctions they have desired and exacted. But, Sir, I have hitherto considered these naval expeditions to be more like the pageantry of the luxurious queen of Egypt on the Cydnus, than like a serious and of ficial inspection into the real state of our marine. If, Sir, however, from exploring our cold shore, a judgment has been formed of the frozen coasts of America, I fear we shall, ere long, experience the fatal consequences of such a conjecture. Sir, it is next to impossible that the King's ships should keep the sea in the northern parts of that country, from November to June; and therefore, Sir, however the leaders of government may be disposed towards the officers of the navy, I will en treat them to pay some regard to the safety of the fleet, and a little attention to the situation of this country. Then, I hope, Sir, that both humanity and interest will dictate to them not to sport with the lives of the few seamen now employed.