would appear a mere private letter; that it was true the &c. &c. &c. implied every thing, and they also implied any thing; that the letter to general Howe alluded to, was an answer to one received under a like address from him, which the officer on duty having taken, he did not think proper to return, but answered it in the same mode of address; that he should absolutely decline any letter directed to him as a private person, when it related to his public station. Colonel Patterson then said, that general Howe would not urge his delicacy any further, and repeated his assertions, that no failure of respect was intended. He then said, that he would endeavour, as well as he could, to recollect general Howe's sentiments on the letter, and resolves of Congress, sent him a few days before, respecting the treatment of our prisoners in Canada, and that the affairs of Canada were in another department, not subject to the controul of general Howe, but that he and lord Howe utterly disapproved of every infringement of the rights of humanity. Colonel Patterson then took a paper out of his pocket, and, after looking it over, said, he had expressed nearly the words. General Washington then said, that he had also forwarded a copy of the resolves to general Burgoyne. To which colonel Patterson replied, he did not doubt a proper attention would be paid to them, and that he (general Washington) was sensible, that cruelty was not the characteristic of the British nation. Colonel Patterson then proceeded to say, he had it in charge to mention the case of general Prescot, who, they were informed, was treated with such rigour, that, under his age and infirmities, fatal consequences might be apprehended.

"General Washington replied, that general Prescot's treatment had not fallen under his notice; that the persons under his particular direction, he had treated with kindness, and made their situation as easy and comfortable as possible; that he did not know where general Prescot was, but believed his treatment was different from their information. General Washington then mentioned the case of colonel Allen, and the officers who had been confined in Boston gaol. As to the first, col. Patterson answered, that general Howe had no knowledge of it, but by information from general Washington, and that the Canada department was not under his direction or controul; that as to the other

prisoners at Boston, whenever the state of the army at Boston admitted it, they were treated with humanity and even indul gence; that he asserted this upon his honour, and should be happy in an opportunity to prove it.

"General Washington then observed, that the conduct of several of the officers would well have warranted a different treatment from what they had received; some having refused to give any parole, and others having broke it when given, by escaping, or endeavouring so to do. Colonel Patterson answered, that as to the first, they misunderstood the matter very much, and seemed to have mistook the line of propriety exceedingly; and as to the latter, general Howe utterly disapproved and condemned their conduct.

"That if a remonstrance was made, such violations of good faith would be se verely punished; but that he hoped general Washington was too just to draw public inferences from the misbehaviour of some private individuals; that bad men were to be found in every class and society; and such behaviour was considered as a dishonour to the British army. Colonel Patterson then proceeded to say, that the goodness and benevolence of the King had induced him to appoint lord Howe and general Howe his commissioners to accommodate this unhappy dis pute; that they had great powers, and would derive the greatest pleasure from effecting an accommodation; and that he (colonel Patterson) wished to have this visit considered as making the first advances to this desirable object. General Washington replied, he was not vested with any powers on this subject, by those from whom he derived his authority and power. But from what had appeared and transpired on this head, lord Howe and general Howe were only to grant pardons; that those who had committed no fault, wanted no pardon; that we were only defending what we deemed our indisputable right. Colonel Patterson said, that would open a very wide field for argument. He then expressed his apprehensions that an adherence to forms was likely to obstruct business of the greatest moment and con

rection of Congress, and having been then rejected, he could not now renew the business, or give any answer, till he had previously communicated it to them.

"Colonel Patterson behaved with the greatest attention and politeness during the whole business, expressed strong acknowledgments that the usual ceremony of blinding his eyes had been dispensed with. At the breaking up of the conference, general Washington strongly invited him to partake of a small collation provided for him, which he politely declined, alledging his late breakfast, and an impatience to return to general Howe, though he had not executed his commission so amply as he wished. Finding he did not propose staying, he was introduced to the general officers, after which he took his leave, and was safely conducted to his own boat, which waited for him, about four miles distant from the city.-Made public by order of Congress,

"JOHN HANCOCK, President."

Colonel Barré demanded of the ministers, why some account of this matter had not been given the public through the channel of the London Gazette? He said it was that scandalous concealment of intelligence from the public, which roused his warmth; that from the account he had just read it was plain, the ministers had been bold enough to break through an act of parliament, for that in that very House the Act had passed but last session, limiting the powers of the commissioners sent to America, and rendering their commission altogether ineffectual. That he should have applauded them for their spirit in daring to violate the law, had the violation produced a salutary effect. That he had last year told them what would be the consequence of their sending such commissioners, under such an Act of parliament; that he had advised them to send a trumpet from camp to camp, previous to any action; that the House, he was proud to say, had approved of that advice, and that he was sure it would have been more effectual, than a ridiculous attempt at a treaty, overlaid by absurd forms and idle punctilio. He turned from this, to what he called another important subject, the tremendous appearance of a war in Europe, and told the House in a most peremptory tone, that a war of the most serious kind threatened this country, a war from the united powers of France and Spain. That the attack would shortly be [VOL. XVIII.]

made, and made within the hearing of those who then sat in the House. A laugh arising from the opposite benches, the colonel observed with some warmth, " Gentlemen may laugh, but I dare aver, that those who laugh now, will, in the moment of danger, be lying, in tears, on their backs, like cowards." He then declared, that France was full two months before-hand with us in preparation, that we were, in fact, defenceless, unable to make any resistance should she soon begin; that the noble lord shifted his ground so often, that there was no dependence on his information; that even now he had said, he relied on the present assurances of the pacific intentions of France, but that he did not know how soon she might alter her intention.

Lord North declared, that he firmly believed the court of Versailles: but as he was no prophet, he would not answer for events six months hence. He complained of having his words watched, and thrown perpetually in his teeth.

Col. Barré declared he ever would watch the minister; that it was extraordinary, indeed, if the noble lord high in office, and the ostensible minister, expected his words would not be watched. The minister of this country ought always to have information sufficient of what the French were about to undertake, to promise for six months; if he could not, his neck ought to be brought to the block. The situation of the affairs of this country was tremendous: he spoke it with fear and trembling, but this country seemed to be near the crisis of her fate; he advised the Treasury-bench, therefore, to look about them, and as there was one question which demanded an immediate answer, he would then put it; "Had the King's ministers information of a particular species of armament preparing by the French in those ports of France which were immediately opposite, and nearest to this kingdom?" The question was clear and comprehensive. He put it roundly, and it required immediate explanation. If it was not answered, the silence of the ministry would operate in his mind as fully as any answer they could give; if they had not the necessary information, they were not fit for their posts, and ought to hold them no longer. He entered into the state of our naval power, summing up the number of men of war in our ports, and the guardships, which he declared had none of them their complement of men on board. He [4 Y]

asserted, that we were by no means a match for the united force of France and Spain. He recommended to the ministry, at any rate to make up matters with America; he observed we had in the last war 12,000 seamen from America, who would now, should France attack us, be fighting against us; that all the useful part of our navy was on the coasts of America; in fact, that matters were so bad, that unavoidable ruin hovered over this devoted country. Recall, therefore, he said, your fleets and armies from America, and leave the brave colonists to the enjoyment of their liberty. [This created a louder laugh than the former among the occupiers of the several official benches; which irritated the colonel so much, that he reprehended the Treasury-bench in terms of great asperity; he arraigned them with a want of manners, and declared, he thought professed courtiers had been better bred.] He then again denounced vengeance, and bid the ministry appoint proper officers; the fleet, he said, ought to be commanded by a brave man then in the House, an admiral who had once already saved his country; the admiral he meant was his honourable friend near him, admiral Keppel; he said, he knew he was out of order in naming a member, but on such an occasion he thought himself justified in mentioning so brave an officer. At length having held up a most tremendous picture of impending mischief to his country, he repeated his question to the Treasurybench, and sat down, deploring the infatuation of government, and asserting, that a majority of votes in that House would never conquer France and Spain, however they might procure the minister a momentary triumph, and make him a welcome guest at St. James's.

Admiral Keppel said, that things had an extreme disagreeable appearance. He asserted, from the most authentic information, that Spain had 25 ships of the line, but believed them to be ill-manned with marines. In respect to France, it was otherwise. Their registers commanded seamen, and their military force was known to be sufficient to furnish any number of men they might want, to serve on board their ships of war. He concluded with lamenting, in case of a rupture with France or Spain, the absence of that useful and necessary part of our naval force, our frigates and sloops of war.

Lord George Germaine. Relative to the state of our armament, the right hon.

gentleman is much mistaken in saying the 23 ships are not half manned. They want, Sir, only 1,500 of their full complement, and 12 are fully manned: so that there are no reasons for those numerous and great apprehensions, which the right hon. gentleman has stated so largely. As to the propositions which general Howe made to general Washington, they prove clearly, that general Howe was eager for the means of peace and conciliation; but Washington against them. However, general Howe will doubtless be able to put New York at the mercy of the King; after which, the legislature will be restored, and an opportunity will thereby be given for the well-affected to declare themselves, who are ready to make proper submission. Sir Peter Parker's expedition failed, from arriving too late; I am not answerable for its success, for it was planned before I came into the office. I had assurances from lord Cornwallis and general Clinton of this, that had not unavoidable delays happened, the force would have proved sufficient. The conduct of the war in Canada also has been reprobated for want of boats; all possible expedition has been used in building them, but it has taken longer time than I expected, and the em barking upon the lake has necessarily been delayed beyond the time intended. I am farther asked, what are the numbers of the armies in America? Sir, the number of that under general Howe is 25,000, and he will be reinforced by 5,000 more, which are near the American coast by this time. He has besides about 2,000 provincials, and will probably have more. The army in Canada is 11,000, and perhaps three or four hundred, which is the full complement for that department, if not a little more. There has been no cartel settled. There can be none; but the commanders in chief have agreed upon an exchange of some prisoners, man for man. Another ques tion is, whether administration knows any thing of particular preparations on the coast of France? I have asked the noble lord by me, (lord North) and he knows nothing of any such-nothing farther than what is necessary for conducting the registered seamen to Brest-nor have I any intelligence of that sort. And now, Sir, permit me to make one remark on the House of Bourbon's supposed design of assisting the Americans, by going to war with us. I can give no credit to this idea, and my reason is, because it would be manifestly against their interest. How de