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index, or miniature picture of the whole nation. It is no won der, therefore, that the Westminster elections are very often. contefted with more than ordinary keenness and violence. The laft election for Westminster was expenfive to the candidates. even beyond the ufual rate of expenditure. As it was found by experience that the voters were pretty equally divided between the minifterial and anti-minifterial candidates, it was fettled, by a kind of tacit compact, or, in other words, it came, without any formal agreement, to be understood that there fhould be a divifion of political power in a body where there was a division of political fentiment. Lord Hood, it was understood, was not to bring forward in his hand an opponent to Mr. Fox, nor Mr. Fox an opponent to Lord Hood. There was nothing in this that was inconfiftent with the utmost rectitude of intention, or that common fenfe and equity, and even the principle of equal representation did not justify. But a far different conftruction was put on this compromife by an excellent citizen, as well as a most acute reafoner, Mr. Horne Tooke, justly renowned for the independence of his political principles, the cons. fiftency of his political character and conduct, the manly vigour of his political, and the fubtlety of his philofophical writings on the fubjects of philology and univerfal grammar. To that gentleman this paffivity on the part of the candidates Lord Hood and Mr. Fox, appeared in the light of a coalition! a political collufion, for the purpose of monopolifing to themselves the fuffrages, and confequently invading the rights of the electors of Westminster. There cannot be imagined a more confpicuous proof and inftance of the fafcinating power of prejudice and paffion over the intellect, than that the logical Mr. Horne fhould convert the very ceffation of those gentlemen from all political cabal and intrigue into a proof that they had invaded the rights of the people whom they wished to represent in parliament. Is it incumbent, then, on Mr. Fox or Lord Hood, or have they a right to nominate a plurality of candidates for the representation of Westminster? That an election may be free, is it neceffary that it fhould be contefted? and do the rights of electors confift in being courted and cajoled, entertained, careffed, decorated with the enfigns of party, flattered with vain hopes, and preffed and conftrained to vote for this or that candidate by a degree of violence? Would Mr. Tooke have the riots of 1783 renewed? Of thofe riots he justly complains as the occafions of bloodfhed and murder! When he reflects coolly on the fubject of all that he is now faying and doing, he will be convinced that to leave the Westminster electors entirely to themfelves, and not to tamper in the leaft with their fentiments and inclinations, is the greatest compliment that could be paid to them, if they be really honeft men, and the greatest ho

mage

mage done to freedom. As to the change which the new election will make in the balance of power in parliament, we cannot yet speak with certainty. This a little time will determine; and we esteem it better to wait for the decifion of time than to hazard vague computation and conjecture. It is probable that new ftrength will accrue to the minifter; for though his taxes, : and fpies for enforcing them are vexatious, his finking-fund childish and abfurd, and his tobacco excife, and the farming of: the horse-tax, dangerous; there is undoubtedly a high degree of vigilance and activity in the minifter, and the general course of his administration has been tranquil and profperous. With regard to the state of affairs on the

CONTINENT OF EUROPE,

The

it is yet uncertain whether there is to be peace or war. preparations of Pruffia correspond to the actual force of Austria. And a negociation is on foot for the establishment of peace and good neighbourhood, the grand principle of which, it is generally fuppofed, is fome exchange or partition of the Catholic Netherlands. At all times, but especially in the present times of partitioning policy, it is the fmall powers, when involved in contefts in which the great also are engaged, that are made to pay the piper.

THE BELGIC NATION

is ftill under the guidance and scourge of the moft malignant prieftcraft. Our miniftry have not yet received a definitive answer from

SPAIN.

That haughty nation, afraid of war, and afhamed of the conditions of peace, feeks extrication from embarraffment, in the artifices of negociation, and the new afpects and conjunctures of protracted time.

THE FRENCH REPUBLIC

grows daily into confiftency and form. It has lately received the congratulations of the ftrangers at Paris, of almost all kindreds and languages, whofe deputies to the National Affembly may be confidered as deputies from the genius of human nature; paying homage to that MORAL code, to maintain the authority of which, in the language of an elegant writer*, forms the jus divinum of nations. The National Affembly of France have made a great ftride in their progress towards the reftoration of natural equality and right, by the abolition of all hereditary diftinction of rank. No more dukes, counts, marquiffes, &c.! plain monfieur from the beggar to the king. Nor is it certain that this fervile and flattering

* See DUNBAR'S ESSAYS on the Hiftory of Mankind.

term

term will long maintain its ground. If the members of the French Academy fhall be as complaifant to the new government as they were to the old, they will difcover that monfieur [my lord] originated in times of feudal barbarity, and ought to be exchanged for fome appellative more becoming the dignity of

men.

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In the debates on the abolition of different ranks, it was asked, What reward could the king beftow on any man who fhould fignalife his virtue in the service, or even be the means, perhaps, of faving his country. It was anfwered by the Marquis de la Fayette, that it would be recorded in history that on fuch a day of fuch a year, fuch and such a man fignalised his virtue in the fervice, or was the means of faving his country-If fimilar ideas were entertained in the British parliament; if the royal prerogative of NOBILITATION were transferred from the KING and COURT to the HISTORIAN and to VIRTUE, the whole economy of administration would be deranged, and the ordinary courfe of affairs fubverted. For though honour might attend egregious excellence, as a body is attended by its fhadow: how is that numerous tribe to be diftinguished who may be miferably deficient in point of merit, and yet whom it may be the intereft of the minifter to push forward, and whom the king may delight to honour?" Yet it may not, perhaps, be confidered as wholly paradoxical to affirm, that there is a tendency, and even a defign, on the part of our miniftry to abolish all diftinction of rank, and to restore primæval parity, by an indiscriminate advancement to the peerage of all who are able and willing to make the expected and usual facrifices.

ERRAT A in our Article of NATIONAL AFFAIRS for laft Month.

Page 395, after the word 396, after the words

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poffeffed,' infert the right of granting. what may be,' infert fuppofed. Dele viz. a free opportunity of,' infert being in. 397, instead of gave the preference which promifed,' read gave the preference to one which promised.

Communications for THE ENGLISH REVIEW are requested to be fent to Mr. MURRAY, No. 32, Fleet-ftreet, London; where Subferibers for this Monthly Performance are refpectfully defired to give in their Names,

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BArry's fermons, 119.

Belle widows, 67.

Bell's pantheon, 377.

Chriftian people, exhortation to all, 474. Collectanea Græca, 388.

Confiderations on a commiffion of bankruptcy, 389.

Contraft, the, 230.

Coombe's fermon, 391.

Correfpondents, 80, 160, 240, 320, 400, 480.

Cottage of friendship, 67.
Count de Briffon, shipwreck of, 436.
Crane on mineral waters, 151.
Criticism, the art of, 114.
Cullen's materia medica, 32.
Cunningham on the Copernican fyftem, 69.

D.

DE Coetlogon's fermon, 391.

Delgado's tranflation of the Pentateuch, 258.

Berchtold's effay to direct the inquiries of De Montmorency, 88.

patriotic travellers, 195. Berkeley's fermon, 234.

Biographical sketch of the life and writ
ings of M. de Romè de l'lfle, 460.
Bishop of St. Afaph's fermon, 313.
Bifhop of St. David's fermon, 333.
Bishop of Carlife's fermon, 433.
Blake's political tracts, 438.
Blunders of loyalty, 147.
Botanic garden, Part II. 227.
Brand's history of Newcastle, 28.

Brown's letters on the poetry and mufic

of the Italian opera, 176. Bruce's travels, 359, 401. Burke's fpeech, 388.

C.

Diffenters, obfervations on the conduct of

the, 470. Ditto, ditto, No. II. ib.
Diffenters, a fcourge for the, 472.
Documents, public, 470.
Doncafter races, 465.
Dore's fermon, 234.
Duel, the, 465.

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Campbell's strictures on the history of FAir Hibernian, 306.

Ireland, 81.

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Falfe appearances, a comedy, 299. Fane of the druids, Book II. 212. Farm-house, a comedy, 293.

Hh

Farmer

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Letter to the farmers of Great-Britain,

312.

Letter to a nobleman, 376.

Letter on the practice of boxing, 387.
Letter to the Rev. Mr. Martin, 472.
Letter to a friend, 473.

Letter to the parliament, 473.

Letters on love, marriage, and adultery,
61.

Life of Scipio Africanus, 86.
Life of Elwes, 308.

Lines on a late refignation, 307.
Literary intelligence, 65.

Liturgy, an apology for the, 232-
Lefft's obfervations on Knowles's tefti-
monies, 84.

Love in the east, 57.

Love in many masks, 386.

Lovers, the clandestine, 466.

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