that our duty, honor, and safety demanded that we take up arms against the Imperial German Government, and by action of Congress the cause and the fight against that Government were declared our cause and our fight.

The duty of loyal allegiance and faithful service to his country, even unto death, rests, of course, upon every American. But, if it be possible to speak of a comparative degree concerning what is the highest as it is the most elementary attribute of citizenship, that duty may almost be said to rest with an even more solemn and compelling obligation upon Americans of foreign origin than upon native Americans.

For we Americans of foreign antecedents are here not by the accidental right of birth, but by our own free choice for better or for worse.

We are your fellow citizens because we made solemn oath of allegiance to America. Accepting that oath as given in good faith, you have opened to us in generous trust the portals of American opportunity and freedom, and have admitted us to membership in the family of Americans, giving us equal rights in the great inheritance which has been created by the blood and the toil of your ancestors, asking nothing from us in return but decent citizenship and adherence to those ideals and principles which are symbolized by the glorious flag of America.

Woe to the foreign-born American who betrays the trust which you have reposed in him!

Woe to him who considers his American citizenship merely as a convenient garment to be worn in fair weather but to be exchanged for another one in time of storm and stress!

Woe to the German-American, so-called who, in this sacred war for a cause as high as any for which ever people took up arms, does not feel a solemn urge, does not show an eager determination to be in the very fore-front of the

struggle; does not prove a patriot's jealousy, in thought, in action, and in speech to rival and to outdo his nativeborn fellow citizen in devotion and in willing sacrifice for the country of his choice and adoption and sworn allegiance, and of their common affection and pride.

As Washington led Americans of British blood to fight against Great Britain, as Lincoln called upon Americans of the North to fight their very brothers of the South, so Americans of German descent are now summoned to join in our country's righteous struggle against a people of their own blood, which, under the evil spell of a dreadful obsession, and, Heaven knows, through no fault of ours, has made itself the enemy of this peaceloving nation, as it is the enemy of peace and right and freedom throughout the world.

To gain America's independence, to defeat oppression and tyranny, was indeed to gain a great cause. To preserve the Union, to eradicate slavery, was perhaps a greater still. To defend the very foundations of liberty and humanity, the very groundwork of fair dealing between nations, the very basis of peaceable living together among the peoples of the earth against the fierce and brutal onslaught of ruthless, lawless, faithless might; to spend the lives and the fortunes of this generation so that our descendants may be freed from the dreadful calamity of war and the fear of war, so that the energies and billions of treasure now devoted to plans and instruments of destruction may be given henceforth to fruitful works of peace and progress and to the betterment of the conditions of the people—that is the highest cause for which any people ever unsheathed its sword.

He who shirks the full measure of his duty and allegiance in that noblest of causes, be he German-American, Irish-American, or any other hyphenated American, be he I. W. W., or Socialist, or whatever the appellation,

does not deserve to stand amongst Americans or, indeed, amongst free men anywhere.

He who tries, secretly or overtly, to thwart the declared will and aim of the nation in this holy war is a traitor, and a traitor's fate should be his.

Why was unity of sentiment and action of the greatest importance at the time this speech was delivered?

What means does Kahn take at the beginning of his speech to secure the sympathetic attention of his audience?

Contrast the growth of the American spirit with that of the Prussian military despotism.

What seems to be Kahn's attitude toward the transplanting to America of European languages, customs, and modes of living?

What means does Kahn take to induce German-Americans to oppose themselves against people of their own blood? Discuss the duties and privileges of an "American by. choice."

Why was this speech widely read and quoted?

PRESIDENT WILSON'S MESSAGE TO

CONGRESS

December 4, 1917

THAT America had pledged all her resources to the winning of the war was everywhere taken for granted in the fall of 1917. Discussion no longer occupied itself with that matter; but peace rumors and peace proposals were current, and there were people who inquired continually as to what might constitute a satisfactory conclusion for the struggle. Would we aid our Allies to satisfy their political aspirations at the expense of Germany? Did we wish to administer retributive punishment to the Central Empires? Was it not possible that Germany already was willing to grant all that the United States required? Such discussion while our enemies were gaining ground in Italy and Russia helped to impair and obscure the lofty purpose for which America had entered the war.

Throughout the country people looked forward hopefully to the Message which the Constitution requires the President to bring before Congress at the beginning of the December session. It was believed that President Wison would not favor peace obtained through compromise. It was thought that he would recommend as the best method of securing for the world a just and generous peace that the United States should declare war against Austria and thereafter prosecute the struggle with the Central Empires vigorously until a conclusive victory was attained.

On December 4, 1917, as many visitors as could secure tickets of admission crowded the galleries of the Hall of the Representatives in the Capitol at Washington. Many distinguished diplomats were present. Mrs. Wilson and a party of friends occupied the executive box. After a brief delay VicePresident Marshall entered leading the Senate who came from their chamber in a body. Chief Justice White was seated with five other justices of the Supreme Court directly before the speaker's rostrum. At half-past twelve the President entered. The visitors. remarked that he had never appeared to better advantage. Instead of his customary somber garments, he wore a cravat with a dash of color and a close-fitting morning coat that gave him an almost youthful trim

ness.

The President spread upon the desk small typewritten sheets of manuscript, and in clear distinct tones began to read his Message. His hearers listened eagerly and from time to time applauded as he appealed to love of country or to the desire to win the war. But when he spoke of access to the seas, and meted out to Austria the same rights as to Servia and Poland, there came over the audience a sense of disappointment and gloom; for most had been hoping that the day of reckoning with the spies and plotters of Austria was at hand: when, however, a moment later with dramatic suddenness he asked Congress to declare war upon Austria, cheers came from a dozen places at once and grew into a mighty shout, and the audience including even the Chief Justice rose and applauded.

The President did not use this speech to disseminate any new or remarkable ideas, but in it he reaffirmed and made clear at a critical time the policy that was